A few months ago, the slogan vikas gando thaayo chhe (development has gone crazy) went viral. The criticism of the Gujarat model of development became central to the Congress’s election campaign in the state. But, soon, Modi countered with: ‘I am vikas, I am Gujarat.’
Ashok Gehlot, in charge of the Congress in Gujarat, could barely contain his mirth as he said, “We said vikas has gone crazy. And Modiji says he is vikas.” However, the Congress soon junked the slogan. Modi had identified himself with vikas, and the Congress strategists knew that any attack that could be seen as a personal affront could give Modi a huge advantage.
For a while, things went as per script. But then, a few days ago, Congress veteran Mani Shankar Aiyar made the “neech kism ka aadmi” remark about Modi. This was the opportunity the BJP was waiting for. It grabbed it, and accused Aiyar of making a casteist comment. At a rally, Modi said in a pained voice, “Where is the decency in the language the Congress leaders have used for me? What did I do to deserve this?”
The BJP, grateful for the chance to invoke Gujarati pride against an ‘abusive Congress’, backed up Modi as he played victim. Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad said: “Congress leaders have used hateful language against Modi. The people of Gujarat will take revenge for this.”
Modi has traditionally used damning remarks made against him to his own advantage. As he did with Sonia Gandhi’s ‘maut ka saudagar’ (merchant of death) comment before the 2007 Gujarat elections.
Talking point: Aiyar’s comments gave the BJP the ammunition it needed.
Arguments that Aiyar’s comment came in a certain context and was not meant as a casteist slur were lost in the din of elections. The remark was out of sync with the party’s strategy on Modi, but then Aiyar is known to have an acid tongue. Not just when it comes to political opponents, but sometimes even people in his own party. A confidant of Rajiv Gandhi, Aiyar has, over time, fallen out of favour with the Gandhi family. His recent remarks that only two people can be Congress president—mother or son (Sonia or Rahul)—had party men wondering if he was giving vent to his frustration at being sidelined. Leaders were happy to see him leave the Congress office, without talking to the media, when Rahul Gandhi filed his nomination papers for the post of party president. However, some of his later comments, like the one on the Mughal dynasty, gave the BJP the ammunition it needed.
“He (Modi) is desperately seeking sympathy by playing the victim card whereas he and his party leaders are responsible for dragging the political discourse to an unimaginable low,” said senior Congress leader Anand Sharma.
Political observers said a sense of frustration had crept into the BJP as the Congress made a huge strategic shift in its campaign. There were no personal attacks against Modi, and utmost care was taken to keep away from communal issues; it was felt that any polarisation would help the BJP. If Rahul took the soft hindutva route, his party, in a departure from the past, did not issue any statement on the 25th anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition.
“In this election, Modi and the BJP failed to decode the Congress strategy. They looked rattled. Otherwise, what was the need to say all these things?” asked Abhay Kumar Dubey of the Centre for the Study of Developing
Societies, Delhi.
As the election drew to a close, Modi and the BJP tried to use every opportunity to breach this Congress strategy. It did not even let go of comments made by minor Congress leaders.
Only the election results will tell if it was a sign of the BJP’s desperation or the eagerness to stamp out the Congress challenge.
