On December 25, 2024, on the eve of the 100th birth anniversary of late prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Prime Minister Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone for the much-awaited Ken-Betwa River Linking Project. It is the first of the 30 river linking projects (16 under Peninsular and 14 under Himalayan components) that have been planned under the National Perspective Plan (NPP) formulated in 1980 by the then ministry of irrigation (now ministry of jal shakti).
The basic aim of these inter-state river linking projects is to transfer water from surplus to deficit basins. The beneficiary states in the 16 Peninsular component projects are Andhra Pradesh (in 8) Madhya Pradesh (4) Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Rajasthan (3 each), Puducherry (2), Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat (1 each). Similarly, the 14 Himalayan Component Projects will benefit Bihar (6), Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal (5 each), Odisha, Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Assam (2 each), Uttarakhand and Haryana (1). In addition, Nepal will also be the beneficiary of four of the projects.
All these 30 projects are in various stages, from PFR (pre-feasibility report), FR (feasibility report) to DPR (detailed project report) status. The only project in which the implementation has been initiated is the Ken-Betwa Project, after 45 years of conception of the NPP. Ironically, Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh, Punjab and Delhi are conspicuously missing from these projects.
All the major rivers in Ladakh and Jammu & Kashmir are part of the Indus Water Treaty of 1960 between India and Pakistan. Hence, any unilateral decision on them is not possible due to geopolitical consequences.
However, within the existing provisions of the treaty, India has full control over the water of the three eastern rivers—Ravi, Beas and Sutluj. In fact, every time when Pakistan does some mischief one of our typical responses includes stopping the water flow to Pakistan by abrogation of the treaty. However, we also know that it is easier said than done. Hence, we may have to explore some suitable alternatives, within the existing provisions of the treaty that are technically feasible.
Of the three eastern rivers mentioned above, Beas joins Sutluj just before it enters Pakistan. The Harike Barrage at the confluence has been strategically located and is instrumental in taking the water that otherwise would have flown into Pakistan, all the way to the deserts of Jaisalmer via the fields of Punjab through the Indira Gandhi Canal.
Similarly, upstream of the Harike, the hydropower as well as agricultural utility of both these rivers have been adequately harnessed through a series of important dams, barrages and canals. Pandoh and Pong on Beas and Bhakra & Nangal on Sutluj are the prominent ones. Even though at present there may be little scope for doing anything major to harness any additional water from Beas and Sutluj, it should not be permanently ruled out and hence planning should continue to retain as much water of these rivers within our own territory as possible.
As far as Ravi is concerned, all major water retention activities except for Chamera Hydel Project in Himachal Pradesh, are in Punjab in the vicinity of Pathankot, be it Ranjit Sagar or the nearing completion Shahpur Kandi Dam, along with Madhopur Headwork. It has been reported in some print media that with the completion of Shahpur Kandi Dam, India will completely prevent the flow of Ravi water into Pakistan. However, that is unlikely to happen since, in addition to the flood water released downstream of Madhopur Headwork in Ravi River, an additional 5.611 billion m3 of water in an average year is available in its downstream where the river travels for a further 80 km, up to Ravi Siphon, its final crossing point into Pakistan. This is the water that India has not been able to harness and put into use and as a result, is flowing across.
Now, from the geopolitical scenario, coming to the political aspect of water-sharing issues between the northern states of India mentioned earlier which are not part of the National River Linking Project. The first is the Sutluj Yamuna Link Canal controversy. A semi-constructed canal left high and dry since long for reasons that are well known. Incidentally, this entire controversy resulting in a major water-sharing dispute between Punjab and Haryana was originally for appx 5.9 billion m3 of water which was allotted to Haryana from Punjab’s share. Ironically, it is almost the same quantity highlighted above, which is flowing from Ravi into Pakistan.
Thus, the three key aspects that emerge from the aforementioned facts are: firstly there is a need to integrate the three eastern rivers ( Ravi, Beas and Sutluj) into the NPP for Inter Linking River Projects. Secondly, the additional water still flowing from Ravi river into Pakistan downstream of Madhopur Headwork needs to be harnessed and used by India within the existing provision of Indus water Treaty. Lastly, realistic efforts should be made to make the surplus water gained from the three Eastern Rivers to be given to the states that are embroiled in long-standing water sharing disputes.
We never know that the surplus water which is flowing into Pakistan from Ravi, Beas and Sutluj Rivers is possibly the one, that the dry and semi-completed Sutluj Yamuna Link Canal awaits. Hence, let us try and connect these watery dots, as we march towards Vikasit Bharat @2047.
The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of THE WEEK.
