A day after DMK chief categorically said that his party will sit in the opposition and play the role of a watch dog, a new idea was mooted – the coming together of the two Dravidian parties – the AIADMK and the DMK – and form the government. This is the ultimate enemy of my enemy scenario which was rather unthinkable till a week ago.
In a closed door meeting with the leaders of the Left parties and Thol. Thirumavalavan, the founder leader of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), the senior leaders of the DMK had reportedly revealed about the backchannel talks between the AIADMK and the DMK. In an unprecedented strategic pivot, the prospect of a Dravidian pact emerged as the DMK and AIADMK considered a joint arrangement to exclude the TVK. This unlikely alliance was born of shared existential dread as both the legacy majors feared that a TVK government would dismantle long-established patronage networks and initiate aggressive investigations into past power centres.
However, the proposed DMK-AIADMK arrangement (a combined 106 seats) resulted in a strategic backfire. The mere discussion of such a pact by rivals who had previously mocked Vijay as a "mere entertainer" served to legitimise him as a shared existential threat. This manoeuvre pushed smaller allies—the Left and the VCK—closer to the TVK as they sought to ensure the secular mandate remained undisturbed by a legacy-party fix. Internal fractures within the DMK further stalled this strategy, revealing a party at odds with itself. According to sources a Lok Sabha MP and DMK’s deputy general secretary Kanimozhi Karunanidhi is said to have argued that the democratic outcome ought to be respected and that any anti-mandate manoeuvres will lead to long-term brand erosion and a potential party split. Yet another set of seniors within the DMK had argued that the such an extraordinary arrangement can be prioritised for the maintenance of political machinery over public perception. But these failed legacy manoeuvres seems to have effectively pushed the junior partners as the essential kingmakers of the new administration.
The CPI and the CPI(M), which have two seats each, extended unconditional support to the TVK, just to form the government. While the Congress, which has five seats, had extended conditional support and will be part of the government, the Left parties have decided to extend outside support. In a fractured 234-member Assembly, the transition from a plurality to a functional majority requires high-level legislative cohesion. To bridge the gap between his individual seat count and the constitutional threshold, Vijay has relied on a broad-based coalition of junior partners. This process was notably elevated by national intervention; sources confirm that senior Congress leadership, including Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, held direct discussions with the Left and the VCK to secure the necessary support for the TVK-led bloc.
The junior partners—the Congress, the Left, and the VCK—are critical not just for their numbers but for providing the secular mandate and legislative legitimacy which a political newcomer requires. Their participation has transformed the TVK from a one-man show into a representative coalition.
“It is not an alliance. We continue to be with the DMK alliance in opposing the BJP and fighting for federal rights. There is more time for local body polls and the Lok Sabha polls,” says CPI(M) leader Shanmugam.
While the Left parties are extending only outside support, the VCK, sources say, is still into negotiations. According to sources, Thol. Thirumavalavan is contemplating to resign his Lok Sabha seat to become Deputy Chief Minister and represent a major strategic concession, which signals the TVK’s commitment to a power-sharing model. However, the Congress’s decision to extend “conditional support” had disrupted the government formation process. According to sources in the TVK, the original plan was to take the support of the Congress and the smaller parties together as a bloc, but the premature announcement of one Congress leader had led to the confusion. This destroyed the theatricality of a unified front that Vijay sought to project. “We wanted to show it as a secular united front. But the delay has now changed the path,” says a TVK insider. This premature announcement also hardened a zero-sum game and the BJP remained strongly opposed to any arrangement involving the Congress, effectively narrowing Vijay’s options and forcing a total reliance on the 118-seat secular bloc.
The constitutional protocol and executive hurdles
In a post-poll deadlock, Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar serves as the constitutional gatekeeper. He has maintained a rigorous stance, emphasising floor test viability and institutional stability. Citing past court verdicts, the governor has twice demanded that the TVK president submit formal, individual letters of support from every alliance partner before an invitation to form the government is extended. This demand has highlighted the TVK’s current strategic vulnerabilities like organisational inexperience, legislative cohesion, and the procedural demand for documented proof of a majority has created a state of cautious optimism tinged with the pressure to professionalise the party’s operations overnight. In fact, the TVK seniors say that they are continuously checking on the presence of their MLA elect every now and then. On Wednesday, when the Congress extended support, it was said that three of the TVK MLAs went out of reach. And finally they were traced as their phones came into the network coverage area.
The rise of Vijay from a mere entertainer to the leader of the state’s single largest party marks the definitive end of the Dravidian duopoly. The 2026 mandate reflects a mood of disruption, where the electorate has opted to dismantle old networks of influence in favour of an untested outsider. The irony is stark. The legacy parties that once dismissed Vijay now find themselves in a state of panic-driven alliance building just to maintain relevance.
However, the TVK’s path to power is fraught with immediate challenges. While the coalition has reached the arithmetic threshold, the government remains fragile. The silent contempt that swept Vijay into power will quickly turn towards his administration, if he cannot demonstrate professional governance. The absolute and immediate necessity is for the TVK to prove its majority on the floor of the assembly, transforming a razor-thin coalition into a stable executive capable of meeting the disruptive expectations of the Tamil Nadu electorate.
