Explained: BJP’s strategy behind naming Rajeev Chandrasekhar its Kerala president

On the afternoon of March 24, after being officially appointed the new BJP Kerala state president, former Union minister and technocrat Rajeev Chandrasekhar sat down for one-on-one interviews with TV channels at a five-star hotel in Thiruvananthapuram. Interestingly, during the Lok Sabha election, some of these channels had declined an exclusive interview offer from Chandrasekhar’s “professional media team”, citing fairness to his rivals, Shashi Tharoor and Pannian Raveendran.

Chandrasekhar had been wearing his signature attire—a blue kurta and white kasavu mundu, paired with shoes—ever since he arrived in the state capital as the party’s Lok Sabha candidate in March 2024. A dedicated health tracker adorned his right wrist, while a smartwatch sat on his left—an excess of smart devices to the onlooker. But that seems to be precisely what the BJP’s central leadership expects from the technocrat: a figure who is apparently tech-savvy and sophisticated, yet aligns with Kerala’s cultural ethos while promoting a new brand of BJP politics in the state.

“At 9am on Sunday (March 24), I was asked by my leadership to submit my nomination for the state president post. It was a surprise to me,” he told multiple TV channels.

Even within the party, many had not anticipated Chandrasekhar’s rise to the helm in Kerala. Several leaders who had climbed the ranks through the party’s organisational structure had their eyes on the position. Another section expected the status quo to remain at least until the 2026 assembly elections. However, the BJP’s central leadership has shaken things up by appointing Chandrasekhar, though the party has termed this change as a unanimous decision based on the state unit’s recommendation.

Although a late entrant in the 2024 Lok Sabha election race in Thiruvananthapuram, Chandrasekhar made a significant impact by deciding the campaign narratives, turning the contest into a close fight against Tharoor. Chandrasekhar ultimately lost by just over 16,000 votes—a remarkable feat given that Tharoor had secured victory in 2019 with a margin of nearly one lakh.

Former diplomat T.P. Sreenivasan, who chaired Chandrasekhar’s campaign committee during the election after Chandrasekhar personally invited him to take up the position—expects him to carry forward the same approach in his new role as the state party chief. “‘Ini karyam nadakkum (now things will be done)’ was the campaign slogan for Chandrasekhar. He began by emphasising that something significant was about to happen in Kerala. And then he spelt out what is it that we need in terms of development,” recalls Sreenivasan, who adds that Chandrasekhar shifted the election discourse towards development and future possibilities.

This was a departure from the earlier debates that revolved around ideological clashes and concerns among minorities about the Hindutva party’s rise. “And that’s why I think the BJP generally did not do well in Kerala—because of philosophies, criticism, and fears, honestly. But by focusing on a different agenda, he completely avoided any discussion on religion, vegetarianism, non-vegetarianism, and all that,” Sreenivasan says.

Notably, Chandrasekhar is not the first technocrat the BJP has put forward as a figurehead in Kerala. During the 2021 Kerala Assembly elections, the party presented 'Metro Man' E. Sreedharan as its chief ministerial candidate. Sreenivasan observes that Sreedharan’s campaign got entangled in discussions about national politics and the BJP’s Hindutva agenda, which led to him being stereotyped. “But during Chandrasekhar’s campaign, I saw a different approach,” he says. “He kept the BJP agenda out of his campaign apart from saying that he would like Prime Minister Narendra Modi to be strengthened.”

Even after taking over as state president, Chandrasekhar maintained this stance, asserting that it was the CPI(M) and Congress that sought to paint the BJP as a Hindutva party. He repeatedly reaffirmed his commitment to Prime Minister Modi’s vision of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas”, emphasising that the Union government does not discriminate in delivering the benefits of development. And, when the questions about some of his previous statements that were interpreted as communal were raised, he brushed it off, saying he doesn't want to get distracted and that he is not someone who gets distracted from the developmental agenda.

This shift from K. Surendran—who rose through RSS and other Sangh Parivar-affiliated organisations—to Chandrasekhar is a calculated move, signalling the BJP’s recognition that hardcore Hindutva will not resonate in Kerala’s unique demographic landscape, where minorities form a significant portion of the population. There are hopes that Chandrasekhar’s "outsider" image—of which he is keenly aware—will work to his advantage, offering a fresh start in the BJP’s long-term strategy for Kerala. Notably, in Union Minister Suresh Gopi’s victory in the Thrissur Lok Sabha seat, his “outsider” status, developmental narrative, and strong personal appeal played a crucial role. The BJP sees similar qualities in Chandrasekhar to advance its vision of alternative politics in Kerala.

Chandrasekhar has already positioned the BJP as a viable alternative in the state, maintaining that there is no real difference between the Congress-led UDF and the CPI(M)-led LDF. “As far as I’m concerned, they are both partners of the INDIA bloc. So, why should we see them as two separate parties? If you ask an average Malayali child the difference between the two, what will they say? There is none. Their economic policies are the same, their appeasement politics is the same, and they will do anything for vote-bank politics,” he says, blaming both fronts for the state’s economic crisis and asserting that only the BJP can bring real change—an early pitch before the upcoming local body elections and 2026 assembly elections.

While Chandrasekhar’s outsider status may grant him some initial leeway, observers believe he must gradually integrate himself into the party’s Kerala unit and strengthen his command of Malayalam to be effective. Though a Malayali, his limited fluency in the language could hinder him from articulating his ideology and stance in the most effective manner in Kerala’s highly competitive media landscape, which is quick to scrutinise and amplify contentious statements.

Whether Chandrasekhar can emerge as a transformative force in Kerala’s political landscape remains to be seen, but many believe he could at least bring significant internal changes to the BJP’s state unit. An insider remarked with a sigh that, at the very least, the parallel private economy run by several state leaders—who allegedly leveraged their positions in the party to amass funds for personal gain—might now be in turmoil. However, many also believe that a cleanup drive will not be an easy task for the new BJP state president, who is yet to get familiarised with the ground realities in the state.

Notably, the saffron party has inducted several outsiders—lacking a background in Sangh Parivar organisations—into the newly elected national council and core committee of the BJP’s Kerala unit. These include defectors from both the UDF and LDF, as well as political figures who were expelled from these alliances and sought refuge in the BJP. This is seen as part of the BJP’s strategy to expand in Kerala by absorbing leaders from other parties while, paradoxically, using these very outsiders to shed its “outsider party” image and position itself as a truly Kerala-centric force.