The Congress made two major, unexpected decisions in just 12 days. In Kerala, it chose V.D. Satheesan as chief minister after a sweeping election victory, despite most members of the legislative party favouring party general secretary (organisation) K.C. Venugopal. Soon after, the party turned its attention to Karnataka and resolved its pending rotational chief minister formula by handing over the reins to the ambitious D.K. Shivakumar, replacing the popular incumbent, Siddaramaiah.
The impact of these decisions extended beyond the two states. They generated a rare buzz around the grand old party, creating the impression that it was moving beyond survival mode and putting its machinery in order for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. Notably, Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi made these calls without facing any visible resistance from competing camps within the organisation.
In Tamil Nadu, the Congress wasted little time in deciding to join hands with the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, led by movie star-turned politician C. Joseph Vijay, effectively ending its long association with the DMK.
Taken together, these decisions reflected a willingness to align the party’s roadmap with local realities. They also pointed to an emerging pattern in Rahul Gandhi’s style of decision-making—one that involves extensive consultations with multiple stakeholders before arriving at a resolution.
“Rahul has shown leadership quality by sensing and acknowledging the demands of cadres and grassroots workers in the three states,” said Jitendra Kumar, professor of political science at Lucknow University.
The party’s moves have already yielded early dividends in the south. In Kerala, it appears to have sent a message of inclusivity across the organisation. In Tamil Nadu, the alliance shift brought Congress back into the state cabinet after six decades. In Karnataka, the transition opened opportunities for sections of the party rank and file whose growth had long been overshadowed by the dominant Siddaramaiah camp.
Yet, these quick-footed decisions alone do not fully explain the Congress’s renewed political momentum. According to party leaders, the real driver has been the quiet organisational rebuilding exercise launched last year. This has gradually altered the party’s internal power structure by reducing its dependence on state satraps and strengthening the authority of the central leadership.
“Power has become more centralised now,” a former Congress chief minister told THE WEEK. The shift suggests that Rahul Gandhi may now have greater room to take more hard-hitting decisions in the future.
The early signs of this shift are already visible in Haryana, which has become the high command’s first key intervention in the north. For years, the Congress in the state revolved around former chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda, who continues to command considerable influence in the state unit.
After the Kerala victory, Rahul Gandhi appeared more willing to encourage another power centre in Haryana. His backing of Brijendra Singh’s months-long yatra, along with his public appeal to workers to support the younger leader in Hooda’s presence, appears to be a preliminary step towards moving beyond the party’s two-decade dependence on Hooda.
In other states, though, factionalism continues to plague the party. In Punjab and Rajasthan, leaders remain divided and continue to pull in different directions. But Rahul has started to declutter the political landscape, starting with Punjab, which will go to the polls next year.
According to insiders, Rahul’s focus has shifted from micro-managing the party to establishing clarity in leadership roles across states. After finalising decisions in Karnataka, he reportedly held multiple meetings with Punjab leaders. Rajasthan could be next.
By engaging directly with state units, the party leadership not only expects to craft a winning formula in Punjab but also seeks to gain an edge over the BJP in saffron-ruled states such as Uttarakhand and Goa, where elections are due next year. Party leaders believe the Congress can tap into growing anti-incumbency and, in the process, reclaim its place in the national political discourse. If it succeeds, it could add three more states to its column. Even if it loses Himachal Pradesh, that could take the tally of Congress-ruled states to six.
The party’s renewed focus is also evident in Goa, where it reappointed Girish Chodankar as state president after he had resigned on moral grounds following the defeat in the 2022 assembly polls. The Trinamool Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party had affected Congress prospects in 2022.
The changing political landscape has also strengthened the Congress’s bargaining position within the opposition camp. One of the first tests of that leverage is likely to come in Uttar Pradesh, where the party hopes to use its improved standing to negotiate a larger share of seats from the Samajwadi Party in next year’s elections.
“In the past few years, Rahul’s internal and external politics have both matured. As a leader, he has constantly engaged with workers; as leader of opposition, he has frequently picked up issues affecting ordinary people,” says Pravesh Kumar, faculty member of political science at Jawaharlal Nehru University. “This has improved his connect with the grassroots, even if it has not fully translated into votes.”
