Vijoo Krishnan, general secretary of the All India Kisan Sabha—the farmers' wing of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)—belongs to that breed of leaders who transitioned from academic studies on agrarian issues to frontline activism, organising farmer struggles on the ground.
A soft-spoken leader and a Central Committee member of the CPI(M), this 51-year-old has arguably been the face of the party in several historic peasant struggles in recent years. Krishnan, the youngest general secretary in the history of AIKS, has been the key organiser of numerous farmer movements across various states, including the landmark Kisan Long March in Maharashtra.
At the 24th Party Congress in Madurai, he spoke to THE WEEK. Edited excerpts from the interview:
You have been at the forefront of numerous farmer movements and protests. Even in states where the CPI(M) is not considered a major electoral force, you have successfully led large farmer protests.
Over the last decade, we have built numerous struggles—they were not spontaneous uprisings but meticulously organised movements led by the All India Kisan Sabha. We have also forged strong connections with working-class and agricultural worker organisations, broadening our unity on this foundation.
These have not been mere token struggles; they have resulted in decisive victories and tangible outcomes. Through these movements, many people have come closer to us. Unlike other political parties, we do not offer mass memberships. Instead, we gradually bring individuals into the party based on their active involvement in these struggles.
Looking ahead, following the Party Congress, we have significant actions planned. On May 20, all central trade unions will hold a general strike. The Kisan and agricultural workers unions will organise a nationwide rural strike (Grameen Bharat Hartal) on the same day. On June 26, the electricity sector will go on strike, and we, as an organisation, have committed to actively supporting them.
This marks a new phase. Previously, farmers' participation in working class movements was limited to expressions of solidarity, such as attending events and giving solidarity speeches. Now, we are actively engaged in their struggles, just as they are in ours. This shift is creating fresh momentum, and while many well-wishers and observers expect quick results, our focus remains on sustained and meaningful change.
How are these struggles helping you earn back strength electorally?
The notion that a significant political shift will immediately follow movements like the Kisan Long March or the farmers’ struggle is mistaken. If we examine the history of the Communist movement in India—be it in Kerala, Tripura, or Bengal—it has been built through relentless struggles since the 1930s, or even earlier.
Take Kerala, for instance. From the 1930s, there were continuous movements for land rights, against feudal landlords, and for workers' rights. It was through this sustained struggle that, by 1957, the political base expanded, enabling the party to come to power. Gaining governance was crucial to implementing land reforms.
A contrast can be seen in Telangana, where despite strong struggles, severe suppression by the government eroded many of the gains made against feudal landlords, as there was no supportive government in place to sustain those achievements. This underscores the importance of political power in translating movements into lasting change. In the coming days, even larger struggles are on the horizon. The left alternative to the neoliberal economic policies and the corporate-communal regime will be widely popularised.
Now is the time for a generational shift in the CPI(M)'s leadership. New general secretary will come. In the Politburo itself, at least six to seven new members will be inducted, bringing fresh faces and new energy. How will this transition shape the party’s direction? Additionally, how will the agenda set here and the resolutions passed impact the broader leftist movement in India?
The party has introduced two significant changes: a three-term limit for secretaries at all levels, from the branch upwards, and an age limit. The three-term rule alone has sparked a major shift, bringing in a wave of young leaders—something largely overlooked by the media. They are people who have emerged from struggles.
As I travel across the country, I see many of my contemporaries and even younger comrades rising to positions such as district and area secretaries. Along with this, the age cap of 75 has also been introduced. Yes, this means some of the experienced leaders have to step down, but the party operates as a collective leadership. The Central Committee, the party’s crucial decision-making body is supreme in between two Party Congresses. Its position is also binding on the Politburo. It clearly implies that the leadership remains a shared responsibility and we work as a collective.
With a significant influx of young leaders, I see this as a positive change. The agenda set here is clear: enhance the independent strength of the CPI(M) while reinforcing left unity.
Having been involved in left politics since 1995, I recall a time when CPI(M-L) Liberation and CPI(M) rarely shared a platform. But today, we work together. CPI has always been a part of this alignment, and in struggles involving the working class, trade unions, farmers' movement, struggles of students, youth etc, all left organisations are now coordinating more closely than ever.
This growing unity is driven by a shared recognition of the dangers we face. No single force is enough to resist these challenges; only a united action can mount an effective resistance. This realisation has taken root across the left spectrum.
Despite a reduced parliamentary presence, we remain on the front lines—whether it is fighting for people's livelihoods or standing against communal attacks. We are there on the streets.
At the Party Congress, you are raising the slogan ‘Socialism is the Alternative’.
This has always been a part of the party’s programme, with socialism as a core principle. However, the challenge now is to effectively communicate this vision to the people. What is the alternative we are advocating? What does this socialist alternative look like? A relentless campaign to popularise our alternatives will happen now.
