New dawn in Delhi: How PM Modi will push big projects to put his stamp on New India

It was the longest that Narendra Modi had to wait after joining electoral politics in 2001. The prime minister and his party had been desperately trying to return to power in Delhi, where the BJP was born. The city that witnessed the formation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in October 1951, and later the BJP in April 1980, has long been a melting pot of cultures, shaped by partition-era migrants, aspirants from other states seeking work and shifting political fortunes. The BJP had been a powerful electoral force in Delhi since its inception, till its electoral debacle in the 1998 assembly polls. And now, the party has made a powerful comeback, extending its reach beyond its core voter base in the national capital for the first time.

It was Sheila Dikshit of the Congress who gave Delhi its modern avatar with flyovers, metro lines, malls and cultural festivals, until Arvind Kejriwal, a political newcomer, disrupted the scene with a fresh political vocabulary in 2013. Twelve years later, that very language, once used to capture the imagination of a social media-driven generation, proved to be his undoing. Kejriwal now finds himself overpowered by the very slogans of anti-corruption and social welfare that once propelled him forward.

For Modi, Delhi marks a second coming, an opportunity to directly oversee the development of a state, just as he “transformed” Gujarat as its chief minister. As the latest mandate is to modernise India’s most populous metro city, Modi will be keen to leave his imprint on the capital, shaping it into a global city befitting its status. He has already altered Delhi’s skyline with new landmarks such as the new Parliament, Bharat Mandapam and the under-construction Central Secretariat, paving the way for the demolition of Nehruvian-era buildings such as Shastri Bhawan, Krishi Bhawan, Nirman Bhawan and Udyog Bhawan. Bharat Mandapam replaced another Nehruvian legacy, Pragati Maidan, designed by architect Raj Rewal and inaugurated by Indira Gandhi in 1972.

The Nehru Memorial Museum and Library has been rechristened the Prime Ministers’ Museum, shifting the primary focus away from Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister. The Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, an expansive cultural complex in Lutyens’ Delhi launched by prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, has been demolished to make way for a new secretariat. The transformation of colonial-era complexes―the installation of Subhas Chandra Bose’s statue at India Gate, the martyrs’ memorial, the relocation of the Amar Jawan Jyoti and the impending conversion of the North and South Blocks into museums―signals a decisive shift towards a new national iconography.

As the BJP lacked administrative control over Delhi till now, it had been unable to proceed with all its plans. Now, with Modi’s invocation of Yamuna as Yamuna Maiya (Mother Yamuna) in his victory speech, this may translate not just into a cleaner Yamuna, but also into a developed riverfront on the lines of the Sabarmati in Ahmedabad, leveraging its cultural symbolism in a manner akin to the Kashi Corridor project in Varanasi.

Architect Bimal Patel designed the Sabarmati River development project in 1998, which came to fruition during Modi’s tenure as chief minister. Modi showcased the riverfront while hosting Chinese President Xi Jinping and Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe during their bilateral visits. Bharat Mandapam was similarly presented to the world’s superpowers as a symbol of India’s growing stature during the G20 summit.

A clean Yamuna has remained an unfulfilled promise despite successive governments spending over Rs8,000 crore on its rejuvenation. The present state of the river continues to symbolise the decay and decadence of the metropolis. If Modi succeeds in transforming it, it will stand as one of his enduring legacies.

With its 3.4 crore population, Delhi’s development is dependent on neighbouring regions to absorb urban pressures. With BJP-led governments in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, the inter-party conflicts that previously hindered development may no longer be an issue. Moreover, for the first time in over a decade, the same party holds power at both the Centre and the state. The Centre controls key agencies such as the Delhi Development Authority, Delhi Police and the New Delhi Municipal Council, all of which play a crucial role in governing the city.

As outlined in the BJP’s manifesto, along with a slew of social welfare schemes, Delhi may witness an overhauled public transport system―including increasing the number of electric buses to 13,000―along with improved health care infrastructure and better housing. Party sources indicate that the next three months will see a flurry of activity to kickstart these initiatives. “There are thousands of crores available to Delhi, which Kejriwal did not take, thinking it would benefit Modi. The projects will take off now,” said Baijayant Panda, the BJP’s Delhi election in-charge. “Delhi will be a modern capital.”

Cleaner air and better traffic management? Delhiites remain hopeful but cautious.

In terms of political symbolism, the impact of the Delhi elections extends far beyond its 1,484 square kilometres. Despite being one of the smallest states, Delhi’s chief minister enjoys wider recognition, illustrated by the rapid expansion of the AAP into Punjab and beyond, outpacing any other recent political movement.

The BJP, along with its allies, now governs 21 states. The party’s dominance extends across the Hindi heartland, with Himachal Pradesh being a rare exception. This position provides the BJP with considerable power and opportunities as it marks its 45th anniversary in April.

Following the recent election victories in Haryana and Maharashtra, the Delhi results contribute to the BJP’s upward trajectory after the setback it faced in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. This mandate from a politically diverse state has already spurred the Modi government to push forward its ideological agenda, including simultaneous elections, as proposed in the One Nation, One Election (ONOE) bill, and the regulation of Waqf properties through an amended Waqf bill. The latter has already been reviewed by a Joint Parliamentary Committee, with a revised version expected after incorporating recommendations. The ONOE bill remains under review by another JPC, with BJP allies advocating wider consultations.

The rollout of the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) began soon after Modi started his third term, with its implementation starting in Uttarakhand. The project is now expanding to Gujarat. This signals a gradual but determined legislative movement, stirring concerns among minority and tribal communities, as the UCC aims to standardise laws concerning gender, marriage, divorce and inheritance. In the coming years, calls for implementing the UCC in all BJP-ruled states will likely become a recurring theme in political discourse.

The impact of the Delhi election results is already being felt in Punjab, where the AAP is in power under Bhagwant Mann’s leadership. Here, too, the AAP and the Congress are at loggerheads, with the grand old party hoping to reclaim its lost voter base. Kejriwal recently met with Punjab MLAs, urging them to use the next two years to focus on governance and fulfil their promises. “We will develop Punjab in a manner that inspires the entire country,” said Mann.

However, unease within the state leadership is evident, as many AAP MLAs―being first-time legislators and political novices―could face pressure from rival parties even before the 2027 elections. “With speculation rife about Kejriwal becoming Punjab’s chief minister, it could be a boost for other parties,” said a BJP leader. “The BJP is growing there.” The AAP has denied any such move, but the government is expected to remain under pressure in the coming months. Another option for Kejriwal is to take the Rajya Sabha route, allowing him to make his voice heard nationally.

The real test for the INDIA bloc’s unity will come over the next 15 months, with a series of assembly elections scheduled, starting with Bihar later this year, followed by Assam, West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry. INDIA bloc leaders recognise that these contests will be tough, even in BJP-ruled Bihar and Assam, despite possible anti-incumbency.

Currently, the BJP, along with Nitish Kumar and other allies, presents a united front against the Rashtriya Janata Dal-led opposition alliance in Bihar. “Bihar and Delhi may differ in social composition, but there are many similarities between Kejriwal and Lalu Prasad. Both have been to jail for corruption,” said senior Bihar BJP leader Samrat Choudhary. “We are on our way to winning 225 [of 243] seats.”

Delhi’s political influence extends to Bihar, as a large migrant population in the national capital carries political narratives back home. The BJP often engages with this floating population to shape the political discourse in Bihar. The party will mount an aggressive campaign in West Bengal, where it faces its most significant ideological battle. Despite its dominance in neighbouring northeastern states like Assam and Tripura, the BJP is yet to win the state.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee supported Kejriwal in the Delhi polls. Her past attempts to expand her influence beyond Bengal have largely failed. She has already declared that she will not ally with the Congress in the 2026 assembly elections. For the BJP, West Bengal remains fertile ground for political expansion, fuelled by religious polarisation and the growing discontent among Hindus following the political transition in neighbouring Bangladesh.

Batenge toh katenge (Divided we fall)―a slogan used by the BJP to consolidate its core voter base―ensured that votes were not split along caste and community lines in Delhi. Ironically, this phrase also encapsulates the INDIA bloc’s biggest challenge.

In Delhi, where the AAP and the Congress contested separately, the votes polled by Congress candidates in at least 13 seats could have helped an AAP-Congress alliance secure victory. The opposition now faces similar dilemma in upcoming elections.

Next year, the INDIA bloc may once again see allies competing against each other in states like Assam, West Bengal and Kerala. In Assam, the Trinamool Congress may field candidates despite the Congress being the primary opposition force. In West Bengal, Congress and the left are likely to form an alliance against Mamata, while in Kerala, Congress and the left will once again be fierce electoral rivals. Similarly, the Congress and the AAP may find themselves in direct competition during the 2027 Punjab elections.

One of the key takeaways from the BJP’s strategy is its success in contesting elections without declaring a chief ministerial candidate, particularly in states where it was attempting to regain power. The fact that the party was able to dent Kejriwal’s popularity without presenting a clear alternative demonstrates the effectiveness of this calculated risk.

Home Minister Amit Shah’s strategy of reserving major announcements for the final phase of the campaign also played a crucial role. The BJP organised over 5,000 smaller meetings, with particular focus on women, resulting in higher voter turnout due to expectations of increased cash benefits. The party deployed raths (campaign vehicles) featuring models of sheesh mahal (referring to Kejriwal’s residence), using them across the city to reinforce its message. Clever wordplay, like branding the AAP as aapda (disaster), helped shift public sentiment, demonstrating a masterclass in political strategy.

Modi’s rallies, along with Shah’s outreach to slum leaders and the mobilisation of village pradhans in support of the BJP, were timed to perfection. The decisive moment came four days before polling, when the Centre announced the Eighth Pay Commission and a tax exemption for individuals earning up to Rs12 lakh. This left the AAP with little time to respond effectively. As a result, public sentiment shifted from strong support for the AAP to a growing preference for the BJP, particularly among the middle class, who were looking for tangible economic benefits.

The BJP’s choice for Delhi’s new chief minister will likely carry a broader national message. The party’s victory in Delhi has also set the stage for its next major transformation―selecting a new organisational team focused on the 2029 general elections. Outgoing BJP president J.P. Nadda, whose tenure began with a setback following the party’s defeat in the 2020 Delhi elections, will now step down at a moment of strength. His departure may coincide with a cabinet reshuffle, rewarding key figures with ministerial positions in the Modi government.

Another major takeaway from the Delhi elections is the increasing scale of campaign promises, surpassing those seen in other states. This shift is largely because of Delhi’s metropolitan character and its evolving demographics. With many residents receiving free rations, rising income levels have fostered greater aspirations, leading to a demand for direct cash transfer schemes and expanded social welfare.

Modi has ruled India, and he now has the opportunity to directly govern Indraprastha. Will he redefine the city’s identity, as past rulers have done? His reference to “urban Naxals” in his victory speech serves as a clear warning to dissenters. Sheila Dikshit was credited with shaping Delhi’s eighth iteration, following seven historical versions of the city built by past rulers. Modi now has the chance to rebuild Delhi for the ninth time, leaving behind a legacy that reshapes the nation’s capital for generations to come.