On February 28, after meeting with the high command in Delhi, the Congress leadership from Kerala turned it into a photo opportunity to project unity and deny factionalism within the party. However, factionalism is deeply ingrained in the party’s Kerala DNA, and even the High Command knows that smiling faces standing together in pictures do not translate to real cohesion.
Unlike a structured cadre-based party, the Congress in Kerala has long functioned through internal factions that operate like semi-cadre groups within the party. Factionalism within the Congress party of Kerala predates the state's formation in 1956. In the last several decades, the party was largely dominated by two groups: the ‘I’ group, aligned with former chief minister K. Karunakaran, and the ‘A’ group, aligned with former chief ministers A.K. Antony and later Oommen Chandy.
What is happening now is a churn in the party’s overall dynamics, with no clear winner yet emerging in terms of dominance. The rise of multiple voices within the party, including Shashi Tharoor’s bid to become the CM face for the 2026 assembly elections, should be seen in this context of multipolarity.
In the post-Karunakaran phase, former opposition leader Ramesh Chennithala was the de facto leader of the I group. However, Chennithala failed to lead the Congress and UDF to a win in 2021 and thereby, also missed a largely comfortable path to the chief minister’s chair. And, in the post-assembly election 2021 debacle phase, new factions started emerging within the I group, even though these factions within factions remain fluid even now.
A good meeting of @INCKerala leaders today with @incIndia president @kharge, @RahulGandhi and GenSec @DeepaDasmunsi ended in a strong affirmation of party unity as we head into the election season pic.twitter.com/JHvrDvSO6m
— Shashi Tharoor (@ShashiTharoor) February 28, 2025
The most dominant faction to emerge in these circumstances is led by AICC General Secretary (Organization) K.C. Venugopal. Although he has not openly positioned himself as a chief ministerial candidate in Kerala, many predict he is strategically manoeuvring from New Delhi to align things in his favour for 2026. This new faction draws its strength not just from the conventional 'I' group but also from former members of the 'A' group. Venugopal's close ties to the Gandhi family and his influential position within the party are significant factors attracting leaders to this faction.
The next prominent faction aligns with Opposition Leader V.D. Satheesan, anticipating his emergence as a dominant force before the assembly elections. This group also garners support from both the traditional 'I' and 'A' groups, particularly from young Turks within the party. Notably, a strong UDF performance in the upcoming local body elections will provide Satheeshan with an excellent opportunity to assert his dominance.
Another faction emerged following K. Sudhakaran's appointment as KPCC president. However, Sudhakaran is no longer seen as a leading contender for the chief ministerial position, and there are calls for his removal as the KPCC president.
Additionally, one faction hopes that Chennithala will reassert his dominance. Although this group currently appears relatively weak, Chennithala still has the potential to once again emerge as the central figure—provided he secures strong external support, too. Moreover, if the UDF underperforms in the upcoming local body elections, Satheeshan’s position may be weakened, and Chennithala may have an opportunity to rise again.
Within the 'A' group, various sections exhibit fluidity, and are yet to commit to any particular faction that emerged from the 'I' group. Their moves seem dependent on prevailing political winds.
The Shashi Tharoor camp stands somewhat outside these dynamics, managed by leaders like M.K. Raghavan, who expect the former to emerge as the chief ministerial candidate. However, it's apparent that for Tharoor to make such a move, he would require staunch support from forces outside the party, especially from UDF ally Muslim League and certain community organisations. And from what has happened so far, it may not be an exaggeration to believe that some of these dominant factions from I group may come together to block Tharoor, before he gains substantial support across the party's other factions.
