India’s central diplomatic tenet of ‘strategic autonomy’ or ‘single-mindedly pursuing its national interests without belonging to any power block’, is helping it take a position that is one of friendliness while reaping the benefits of being so with both Russia and the US.
It is also a play of words. With the US, India shares a 'Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership', while it is a 'Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership' with Russia.
The Indian practice of ‘strategic autonomy’ has its roots in the Nehruvian concept of non-alignment as a result of which it developed warm ties with both the US and Russia, leaders of a bipartisan world order since the end of the Second Great War and during the Cold War that followed.
The recent Russia visit of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh for the 21st meeting of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on the Military-to-Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-M&MTC) and the narrative that followed is an exercise of that position.
A Russian defence ministry release on Wednesday quoted Singh as saying: “Despite geopolitical challenges and great pressure on India both in public and in private, India has made a conscious decision that the country will not only continue close contacts with Russia but will also deepen and expand our interaction. We will always be with our Russian colleagues.”
The minister’s statement is indicative of the ‘great pressure’ the US-led West mounted on India to restrict and curtail bilateral ties with Russia. And that India had stood its ground.
Among other things, India is dependent on Russia for military supplies and an overwhelming 65 per cent of Indian military equipment is of Russian origin, including submarines, tanks and military aircraft. The second important component of the bilateral ties is oil which India has imported from Russia in substantial quantities and on favorable terms of trade, especially after the imposition of economic sanctions on Russia and the breakout of the Ukraine conflict.
In 2021, India had just 2 per cent of its crude oil imports from Russia. But in June 2024, it rose to 42 per cent of India’s total crude oil imports.
Just five months ago, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had waxed eloquent on India-Russia ties after a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow. Modi had said, “The temperature sometimes falls below zero in Russia but the temperature is always above zero in Indian-Russian relations… Russia remains India’s trusted friend in any weather.”
On the other hand, India’s ties with the US have been that of incredible warmth and cordiality.
In August, Singh had signed the Security of Supplies Arrangement (SOSA) pact with the US which encourages the defence industrial ecosystems of both countries to work together, and enhances the supply chain resilience.
SOSA is just one of the several military foundational agreements that India and the US have inked that seek to integrate military services, assets and technologies. The other pacts are the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), signed in 2016, the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) of 2018 and the BECA (Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement) of 2020.
India is also keenly awaiting the supply of aero-engines for Indian military fighter aircraft and Predator drones from the US.
While India continues to partner the US and Russia on several important multilateral forums, a fair balancing of ties with both the powers is an underlining of the fact that Indian diplomacy has indeed matured.
