Congress going the saffron way to win MP, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan

AN INTERESTING IMAGE came out of the June event in Jabalpur where Congress general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra launched the party’s election campaign for Madhya Pradesh.

As Priyanka performed Narmada aarti alongside state Congress president Kamal Nath, a party worker dressed as Lord Hanuman grabbed eyeballs. A massive electric mace―Lord Hanuman’s weapon―revolved in the background.

Earlier in the month, the Congress government in Chhattisgarh had organised a three-day National Ramayana Festival in Raigarh. Lord Hanuman (an artiste dressed as the deity) was present there, too, alongside Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel. At the inauguration, Baghel underlined his favourite point―Lord Ram is the bhaancha (nephew) of Chhattisgarh; the state was the maternal home of his mother, Kausalya, and he also spent a large period of his 14-year exile in the forests there. Taking aim at the BJP, he added that the party had failed to highlight this association despite ruling the state for 15 years.

Three months later, the Baghel government inaugurated the development work of three spots under the ambitious Ram Van Gaman Path project. The plan tracks Lord Ram’s exile route in Chhattisgarh―in the first phase, beautification and infrastructure development of 10 major spots have been taken up. The main highlight is the setting up of huge Lord Ram idols at these spots; seven are already in place.

Earlier still, in February, Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot announced a slew of projects with a distinct saffron hue. These included a development package for temples, pilgrimage schemes for senior citizens, development of ecotourism spots or Lav-Kush vatikas (named after Lord Ram’s sons) and 0100 crore to cow shelters. He also cleared the setting up of Ved and Sanskrit Vidyalayas, and clinics and universities with a focus on Indian traditional medicine.

In August, Kamal Nath’s hometown in Chhindwara hogged the limelight as much for a huge ‘Ram Katha’ gathering by Dhirendra Shastri of Bageshwar Dham as for the political arrows shot at Nath for being a chunaavi (electoral) Hindu.

Nath’s son, Nakul, the lone Congress MP from Madhya Pradesh, was the host of the religious gathering at Simariya Hanuman temple, which has a 101-foot idol of Lord Hanuman that Nath had installed in 2015.

Amid questions of the Congress leaders hosting a religious figure known for repeated statements on ‘Hindu Rashtra’, the Nath family managed to bring together heads of different religions on the concluding day of the Ram Katha, giving a “plural” touch to the event.

“Nowadays, BJP people are more concerned about my faith and belief,” Kamal Nath would later post on X. “New terms like election worship, election devotion and political hypocrisy are being coined and they are seeking to break Kamal Nath’s magic spell. My suggestion is that instead of chanting my name, the government and the BJP should chant the name of the people. In this country, the public is God.”

These developments in the poll-bound states in the Hindi heartland are neither isolated nor sudden. Political watchers said that the Congress was clearly trying to be on the right side of the majority voters and wanted to snatch from the BJP a major poll plank.

The BJP has, successfully in some cases, painted Congress leaders as ‘anti-Hindu’ and given to minority appeasement. This has been a major poll plank in the northern states and the Congress has often seen the fence-sitting majority voter slipping away to the BJP camp.

To counter this narrative, the Congress seems to be taking its soft hindutva approach further. However, the leaders rush to clarify that their stance is based on “personal faith, local culture and traditions” and is not for “political publicity or seeking votes like the BJP”.

Also, they try to project that while being proud Hindus, their politics is not anti-Muslim or -Christian. Leaders such as Rajya Sabha member Digvijaya Singh, who openly attacks the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, help in this regard.

MAJORITY WORKS

Political watchers said it made sense for the Congress to embrace saffron as these states have a low percentage of minority voters, especially Muslims. Therefore, the Congress probably thinks it should not be seen as an ‘anti-Hindu’ party in these states.

There is a feeling that the Congress might actually benefit from the ‘well-thought-out’ strategy. Political analyst Rasheed Kidwai said the issue was discussed threadbare at the Congress Chintan Shivir in May 2022, and leaders from central/northern states had asked to be allowed to participate in Hindu festivals and rituals openly. “The Congress realises that the BJP has been able to polarise voters,” he said. “So, the party would like to highlight the fine distinction between their and the BJP’s hindutva brands. The Congress wants to project that the Hindu faith has primacy in Indian society, but its politics will not be at the expense of minorities.”

The minorities, for their part, seem to support the parties that can keep the BJP at bay; this was seen in West Bengal and Karnataka. “We might see the Congress giving two or three tickets to Muslims in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh,” said Kidwai.

He pointed out that a recent pre-poll survey (by CVoter) showed 47 per cent respondents saying they trust Kamal Nath to protect the Hindu faith more than Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan (41 per cent).

Responding to the increasing “Hindu-leaning activities” of the state Congress, Bhopal Central MLA Arif Masood told THE WEEK that faith was a personal matter and every politician had a personal right to it. “However, we in the Congress are clear that the country is run on the basis of the Constitution, which speaks for equality to all citizens irrespective of their religion, caste or creed.”

For all the talk about religion, said Raipur-based political writer Diwakar Muktibodh, harping on hindutva might not even yield much fruit. “Ram Temple and Ayodhya cannot fetch the BJP decisive votes anymore,” he said. “In Chhattisgarh, where people do not have a communal or casteist mentality, the BJP has started focusing on people’s issues and is seeking voters’ feedback for its manifesto. Baghel has anyway not left it any religious or cultural issue to play on. In my view, both parties in all three states will have to tell people what they will do for their welfare and development.”

DIFFERENT STATES, DIFFERENT STRATEGIES

Chhattisgarh

In the tribal-dominated Chhattisgarh, whose economy relies on agriculture, Baghel introduced the Godhan Nyay scheme, under which the government would buy cow dung and urine from farmers and cattle rearers through cow shelters called gauthans. Women of the villages, through self-help groups, use this dung and urine to make vermicompost and other products. The scheme has been a success and has snatched away the “cow protection” plank from right-wing groups.

Baghel has also argued that his schemes are not about hindutva, but about the cultural identity of the state and Chhattisgarhi pride. As part of this, his government has revived traditional festivals and sports, declaring local holidays and holding a Chhattisgarhiya Olympics. It has also promoted bore basi, a traditional dish made from leftover rice soaked in water, which has been popular with non-resident Chhattisgarhis. Baghel has established the image of Chhattisgarh Mahtari on the lines of Bharat Mata as the symbol of the state.

Given all this, state Congress president Deepak Baij, a young tribal leader, said hindutva was not an issue for the Congress to focus on. “Our election focus will be on youth and women; their involvement and role in the development of the state,” he said. “We will take the good work done by the government to them as well as other sections of society.”

Leader of opposition Narayan Chandel, however, said the Congress’s hindutva moves were a reaction to the BJP’s nationwide influence. “The Congress has always been given to political appeasement,” he said. “Now suddenly it is talking about gau mata (mother cow); in truth, cows continue to roam the streets. There is no fodder, water or treatment for them at the gauthans. Similarly, when it comes to Lord Ram, the Congress called the Ram Setu and even the Ramayan imaginary. Now it is building idols and beautifying temples out of fear of being decimated by the BJP.”

Baghel’s initiatives seem to have left an impact on the voters. Sevakram Sahu of Navagaon Lakhera, near Raipur, earned Rs20,000 last year by selling 100 quintals of cow dung; it helped him clear his debt. He added that villagers had started taking better care of their cattle because of the Godhan Nyay Yojana.

Deepak Sahu, sarpanch of Dhamni village in Raipur district, who visited a part of the Ram Van Gaman Path with two of his friends, gave mixed feedback. He said that while the Congress government had certainly worked to promote the Chhattisgarh identity, schemes like Godhan Nyay were not a total success as stray cattle were still a big menace in many parts of the state.

Rajasthan

Gehlot has made several provisions for the majority voters in the state, including earmarking Rs140 crore for restoration and renovation of temples in the 2023-24 budget. He has promised to develop temple corridors on the lines of Mahakal Lok in Ujjain at Khatu Shyam Ji and Govind Dev Ji.

Taking a cue from the Madhya Pradesh government, Rajasthan, too, has launched a free pilgrimage scheme for senior citizens; it has already taken 20,000 devotees on pilgrimage this year.

Gehlot had also set up a Vipra Kalyan Board, or a Brahmin Welfare Board, in 2022 for temples and priests, and a Shri Krishna Board to woo the Yadavs in the state.

The BJP, attacking Gehlot for his alleged minority appeasement, has brought up the beheading of a tailor in Udaipur and the Rajasthan High Court’s acquittal of all four convicts in the 2008 Jaipur serial blasts case. The Congress’s outreach to the majority community is aimed at blunting such attacks and to also preempt polarisation in the elections, said political watchers.

“We work as per the Constitution, according to which all religions are equal,” said Rajasthan Congress president Govind Singh Dotasra. “If our government has come up with schemes for temples and helps senior citizens go on pilgrimage, we are doing it as per constitutional principles. We do not indulge in the politics of Hindu versus Muslim. The BJP will take steps that amount to targeting a particular community and will justify it by saying it is for development. They (Union government) made changes in Kashmir saying it would help bring more trade and industry to the valley, that Kashmiri Pandits would be able to return. But they have not even been able to conduct elections so far.”

State BJP president C.P. Joshi retaliated: “The real face of the Congress has been exposed. How can they be Hindus if they ban people who raise the slogan of Lord Ram? [They] do not allow processions for Ram Navami, but different rules apply to Moharram. They cannot fool the Hindu community.”

Joshi also claimed that the BJP was not polarising society. “We do not provide schemes differentiating between Hindu or Muslim. Be it houses or toilets or the Jan Dhan Yojana or the health schemes or roads, the same schemes and facilities are provided to all. The Congress was the one who brought in this distinction between majority and minority.”

Madhya Pradesh

In a state where the Congress is not in power, the strategy is expectedly different. During its 15-month rule (December 2018 to March 2020), the Congress had initiated the Mahakal Lok project at Ujjain, announced the Ram Van Gaman Path scheme and also the construction of a grand Sita Mata temple in Sri Lanka. The Kamal Nath government had also opened new cow shelters and increased the grant to them.

Apart from building the grand Hanuman temple in Chhindwara, Kamal Nath often visits temples and participates in festivals and rituals. Even his display picture online is often in traditional garb with a religious mark on his forehead. Recently, the Bajrang Sena, a right-wing organisation working for ‘unity of Hindus and cow protection’, merged with the Congress, raising many eyebrows. Its office bearers claim it is different from other right-wing groups in that it “does not harass minorities” while doing its work and just wants to promote Hinduism.

The Congress has also been organising religious programmes at its headquarters in Bhopal; individual leaders, including former ministers and MLAs, are giving tough competition to BJP leaders in organising sermons of popular preachers. The Madhya Pradesh Congress has even set up a Dharmik evam Utsav Prakoshth (religion and festival cell) under preacher Richa Goswami, who said it was a platform for believers to participate in devotional programmes. “We never talk about politics,” she said. “Congress leaders are hosts of such events and thus are closely involved.”

The Congress has also established a Mandir Pujari Prakoshth (temple and priests cell) that is working to ensure autonomy for temples. “The Shivraj Singh Chouhan government announced that temples would be out of government control, but immediately afterwards district collectors in Dhar and Neemuch districts tried to auction the lands, which was stopped after our objection,” said Shiv Narayan Sharma, chairman of the cell. “This is about our rights and not politics, though the Congress is supporting our cause.”

Kamal Nath is clear about his and the Congress’s stand on the issue. “The Constitution says all religions are equal,” he told THE WEEK. “This has always been the Congress’s ideology. As I often say, I am a Hindu, but I am not a fool and we do not use religion as a political tool. This has nothing to do with elections.”

BJP state president Vishnu Dutt Sharma disagreed. “The Congress tries to come into this form only during elections,” he said. “Else, they are the people who attack and insult the religion whenever they get an opportunity. They take pride in doing so. Leaders like Digvijaya Singh, Kamal Nath and others have always done this. This election-time posturing cuts no ice with people.”

The common majority voter, however, does not find anything amiss with the Congress’s stand. Kishore Miglani, a 48-year-old businessman from Chhindwara, said he was a cow devotee and, despite his RSS background, he was upset with the way the BJP government dealt with cow protection issues in the state. On the other hand, the Kamal Nath government opened 1,000 new cow shelters in its short tenure and increased the grant from Rs1.25 to Rs20 per cow. “Kamal Nath got the highest idol of Lord Hanuman installed in Chhindwara out of personal faith,” said Miglani. “This was not for politics. Also, during the recent Ram Katha by Bageshwar Dham Maharaj, the Nath family organised it personally. Not a single rupee of donation was taken.”

However, he did add that issues like price rise and unemployment should be taken up more than religion.

Scrap dealer Manish Shivhare, 44, from Shivpuri, said the Congress’s hindutva push was positive in the sense that the Congress has earlier been looked upon as an ‘anti-Hindu’ party. However, he did add that both parties had failed to take up the core issues like lack of electricity, price rise and high taxes, among others.

―With inputs from Soni Mishra