Amid the escalating war with Iran, US President Donald Trump is pressing allies and even rivals to help reopen the vital shipping lane of the Strait of Hormuz. The narrow waterway, linking the Persian Gulf to the Arabian Sea, normally carries roughly one-fifth of the world’s daily oil exports. However, the war has effectively paralysed traffic through the passage, stranding nearly 1,000 oil tankers and sending global crude prices soaring past $106 per barrel on March 16. Since the conflict began on February 28, oil prices have climbed about 45 per cent, amplifying fears of a wider economic shock.
Facing mounting pressure from energy markets, Trump has publicly called for an international naval coalition to escort commercial vessels and secure the route. He has urged a diverse group of countries—including China, France, Japan, South Korea and the United Kingdom—to deploy warships and help restore freedom of navigation in the waterway.
Yet, the response from governments worldwide has been cautious and restrained. Despite Trump’s claims that several nations have already committed to what he calls a “team effort”, few have shown willingness to place their military assets inside one of the most volatile maritime corridors in the world. Analysts warn that protecting shipping in the Strait would be an exceptionally dangerous mission. The waterway’s narrow geography leaves vessels highly exposed to Iranian naval tactics such as sea mines, swarms of fast attack boats, armed drones and anti-ship missiles launched from nearby coastlines.
Security experts argue that even a large naval escort operation would not guarantee safe passage. Neutralising Iran’s asymmetric capabilities would likely require operations along the Iranian coastline itself, potentially involving special forces deployments and sustained strikes against missile batteries and drone launch sites. In other words, a simple escort mission could rapidly evolve into a far broader military campaign.
Trump’s appeal to allies has also been accompanied by blunt political pressure. He warned that a refusal by NATO members to participate would be “very bad for the future of NATO”, invoking the alliance’s past support for Ukraine as justification for reciprocal backing. According to Trump, European partners should contribute specialised assets such as minesweepers and commando units capable of targeting hostile actors along Iran’s shore.
But these demands have arrived amid mounting diplomatic friction between Washington and several European capitals. Only days earlier, Trump had irritated the United Kingdom by dismissing London’s offer to deploy aircraft carriers, saying: “We don’t need people that join wars after we’ve already won.” At the same time, he threatened to cut off trade with Spain after Madrid refused to allow US military aircraft to use jointly operated bases for strikes related to the conflict.
Against that backdrop, European reactions have been lukewarm. France has signalled that its naval forces will remain in a defensive posture in the Mediterranean rather than entering the Persian Gulf. Germany has expressed deep scepticism about participating in the conflict at all. Meanwhile, the United Kingdom has emphasised diplomatic efforts to end the war, while considering the possible use of autonomous mine-hunting systems rather than direct naval confrontation.
Asian allies have taken a similarly cautious line. Both Japan and South Korea have said they are reviewing Washington’s request but will ultimately make independent decisions based on their national interests and security assessments.
A significant portion of the diplomatic pressure has been directed at China. Trump has warned that he could delay a planned summit with Xi Jinping in Beijing unless China plays a role in reopening the Strait. The US president has argued that Beijing should intervene because it supposedly relies on the passage for its oil imports.
However, energy analysts say the reality is more complicated. Over the past decade, China has diversified its supply routes and built large strategic petroleum reserves. Less than half of its seaborne oil imports pass through the Strait of Hormuz, and the route accounts for only about 6.6 per cent of China’s total energy consumption. In addition, Iran has not targeted Chinese shipping. Tehran has indicated that the waterway remains open to countries it considers neutral, while satellite data suggests Iranian oil exports to China have continued largely uninterrupted.
This dynamic gives Beijing little incentive to deploy its navy in support of Washington’s objectives, especially at a moment when the two countries remain locked in wider trade and strategic disputes.
Meanwhile, developments on the battlefield challenge US assertions that the conflict could soon end. Even if Iran’s conventional military capabilities are severely damaged, Tehran retains the ability to disrupt shipping through relatively inexpensive asymmetric tactics such as sea mines and drones.
Officials from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps have openly mocked Trump’s claims of victory, daring the United States to send naval forces into the Persian Gulf. At the same time, Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, has rejected Washington’s assertions that Tehran is seeking a ceasefire or negotiations. Iran, meanwhile, has turned the Hormuz into a critical bargaining chip by allowing friendly countries like India and Turkey safe passage.
