FCRA amendment row: Why BJP’s assurances ring hollow for Kerala churches

P.C. George, the BJP candidate from Poonjar in Kerala’s Assembly elections, has long been synonymous with controversy—marked by derogatory, misogynistic remarks and communally charged rhetoric.

Yet, when the seven-time former MLA—who has floated multiple political outfits over the years—merged his last party, Kerala Janapaksham (Secular), with the BJP in 2024, it was viewed as a strategic gain for the saffron party, given his perceived role as a conduit to sections of the Christian community in the state.

In a striking moment, George himself appeared to lay bare the BJP’s posture towards Christians while responding to the church's reservations over the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act amendments 2026.

“Christians are able to live here because the BJP exists. It is not the Church leadership that is raising issues against the FCRA Amendment Act. There are some ‘fathers’ who believe that there will be a deluge if Congress ceases to exist. Christians constitute only about 2.5% of India’s population. It is because of the BJP’s magnanimity that they are being carried along.”

While the remark ostensibly casts the BJP as a protector of minorities, it simultaneously suggests a hierarchy—one where minorities appear contingent on the party’s benevolence.

With over 18 per cent of Kerala’s population, votes from Christian sections are key for the BJP’s long-term plans to come to power in Kerala eventually.

Notably, in recent years, the BJP in Kerala has invested considerable effort in outreach to Christian communities. Party leaders have visited Christian homes and bishop houses with festive greetings; organised high-profile interactions—including a dinner with the Prime Minister for bishops; and even undertaken straining pilgrimages to prominent Christian pilgrimage sites. The party has also sought to signal special considerations by offering key positions, including a Union ministerial berth, and allocating a notable number of Assembly seats to leaders from Christian backgrounds.

Nevertheless, the historical trust deficit between sections of Kerala’s Christian community and the BJP persists. At the same time, the party has, from time to time, inadvertently exposed its own posture—echoing, in part, the sentiment articulated by P. C. George: “Christians are able to live here because the BJP exists… It is the BJP’s magnanimity that they are being carried along.”

Christian communities and institutions in Kerala have played a crucial role in shaping the high social indicators the state enjoys today. Their extensive work in education, healthcare, and social services has, at various points, eased significant burdens on governments.

In other words, these contributions long predate the BJP’s presence in Kerala. Incidentally, in the political sphere, too, leaders from Christian backgrounds have emerged organically across parties—including the Communist movement, once regarded by sections of the Church as its principal adversary.

However, the BJP’s efforts so far have run counter to this organic evolution; its approach often appears forced, and its professed outreach to Kerala’s Christians is periodically undermined when actions by the Union government or Sangh Parivar affiliates are seen to target Christian minorities or organisations in other parts of India.

In recent years, for instance, unease between sections of the Muslim and Christian communities in Kerala has grown—driven by factors that are complex. The BJP has sought to position itself as the only credible political force capable of “protecting” Christian interests. Nevertheless, even as the Kerala BJP has offered this “protection,” Christian priests and nuns from the state have faced attacks or arrests in other parts of the country.

Equally crucially, even as the Kerala BJP has reached out to bishop houses as part of its outreach, institutions across multiple denominations in the state have faced measures that Christian sections perceive as “punitive” under the FCRA rules. For instance, the Thiruvananthapuram Archdiocese of the Latin Catholic Church has long alleged that it was after the archdiocese backed coastal community protests against the Adani-run port in Vizhinjam that the FCRA (Foreign Contribution Regulation Act) licence of its social service organisation was revoked.

Notably, after the licence was revoked, around 30 projects—ranging from housing and rehabilitation to education and support for children with Down syndrome—came to a standstill. During election seasons, including the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, there were also allegations that Kerala BJP leaders sought support in return for favours, an approach the Church has made clear it would not accept, stating that it would not compromise with a system that forces it into such undignified bargains.

Incidentally, this historical trust deficit persists on one hand, while on the other, the BJP’s outreach has often been marked by a problematic approach—ranging from fearmongering and implicit threats to overt patronizing—rather than engaging with the community in a more organic manner that respects its dignity and character.

That is why, when the BJP leadership in Kerala seeks to explain that the new amendments to the FCRA regulations are not intended to target any community, Christian churches remain unconvinced.

Church leaders view the new amendments not merely as regulation but as a mechanism of control—one that could be weaponised. A memorandum submitted by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) underscores these concerns, particularly over provisions it considers to impose disproportionate penalties that could allow the government to seize assets over administrative lapses. CBCI has advocated for a regulatory framework grounded in transparency, proportionality, and trust. It is also recommending the establishment of an independent appellate authority to ensure impartial adjudication and effective grievance redressal.

In other words, the churches do not want a situation in which Christians and their institutions are seen as existing in this country only because of the BJP’s “magnanimity.”

Unless the BJP recognises this—at least in Kerala—it will find it difficult to bring Christian communities into its fold as a natural constituency for electoral gains!