XI JINPING shed his coat and tie. It was not just a concession to the Chennai warmth by the Chinese president, but also in keeping with the “informality’’ of the summit. Narendra Modi, on the other hand, was dressed in cool Tamil cottons, making a statement of India’s diversity, sartorial and otherwise.
If the Wuhan Spirit was a salve for the fresh bruises of Doklam, its follow up a year-and-a half later, the “Chennai Connect” as Prime Minister Modi called it, held on October 11 and 12, was more about statements, subtle and bold. The venue was chosen to showcase India’s rich past that was linked with China’s. In fact, these were the shores from which Bodhidharma sailed to China, taking the message of Zen Buddhism with him. A subtle hint on Indian exports, even though the trade balance now favours China.
Weeks before the meeting, China took India’s abrogation of Article 370 to the United Nations Security Council, despite External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s outreach efforts. The Chinese ambassador to Pakistan said his country would support Islamabad in resolving the Kashmir dispute. Also, Xi wedged his Chennai tour neatly between receiving Prime Minister Imran Khan in Beijing and himself going to Kathmandu from Chennai. The messaging was clear. India is at best a regional power. China is already thick with one south Asian neighbour and is actively wooing another.
India, for once, did not try placating China. It went ahead with elevating the Quad engagement in New York to ministerial level. It also continued its military exercise in the northeast. Contrast this with last year, when India asked its officials to keep away from the Dalai Lama’s birthday celebrations, in the run up to the Wuhan meet.
“China periodically behaves in puzzling ways. But India’s bold stance was a welcome change from the past, when it often bent over backwards to appease China,’’ said Rajesh Rajagopalan, professor of international studies at Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University. “I think the two countries have come to accept that their differences are incompatible, and the idea that these differences will not overlap onto other areas is wishful thinking. For India, this is a new idea, because we had always thought the differences could some day get resolved.’’
At the same time, the fact that the meeting happened was recognition of the will on both sides to keep up with efforts to manage bilateral ties. As Xi reportedly said, “problems which cannot be resolved should be controlled and managed properly”. Xi and Modi were meeting for the sixth time since Wuhan, and are soon to shake hands again at the East Asia Summit in Thailand.
After their touristy stroll and appreciation of Indian culture, when the two Asian heads met over dinner, the meeting stretched much beyond schedule, to 110 minutes. Then, there were formal talks the next day. Unlike Japan and Russia, with whom India has structured annual summits, this was not result-driven. Yet, an important outcome is that the finance ministers will meet to discuss trade, investment and services. The two also discussed the proposed regional trade bloc, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, with India emphasising that it be balanced.
Xi spoke about mapping out a 100-year plan for the relationship, with a strong strategic perspective. He also advocated deeper engagement on security and defence, pointing out that the existing engagements were inadequate. India, too, flagged the need for a new set of confidence-building measures, as most of the existing ones are of the 1990s vintage.
The Chinese felt that the two countries could step up engagements in the various multilateral forums they were members of, advocating a China-India Plus cooperation in south and southeast Asia and Africa. Foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale said the new finance minister-level talk mechanism would explore how private and public sector companies of both countries could cooperate in third countries. Past experience, however, shows that this has limited scope. Post Wuhan, India and China could find only one programme to work together on in Afghanistan—training its diplomats jointly.
India and China do have similar views on a few issues, like climate change. But the difference in approach, as well as the sharply contrasting views on issues such as India’s membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group, provide very limited scope for any intensive engagement.
At Chennai, there was one issue on which both sides were in complete agreement. The 70th anniversary of Sino-Indian diplomatic ties, in 2020, needs big time celebration. Modi and Xi agreed to have 70 events to mark the occasion—35 on each side.
Beneath all the rhetoric of being sensitive to each other’s concerns, there is recognition that the world around is changing rapidly, and India and China will have to face situations that are not of their own making, said M.V. Rappai, honorary fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies, New Delhi. The border issue will remain, but it is important to have stability in the neighbourhood. The ties are strained, but at least stable. “Our relationship is not satisfactory, but Chennai Connect was a step forward,” said Rappai. “Not a big step. Yet, forward and not stationary.’’