My biggest concern is near absence of women in Bangladesh's political process

Interview/ Shamaruh Mirza, Bangladeshi human rights activist and medical scientist based in Australia

This is the first election in Bangladesh where there is no female prime ministerial candidate after Sheikh Hasina’s exile and Khaleda Zia’s demise. In a country that has seen two female prime ministers, the absence of women at the helm of the election campaign has raised concerns about the political representation of women, who form half the population. Shamaruh Mirza, a Bangladeshi human rights activist and medical scientist based in Australia, says the country has progressed because of women. “You cannot reform institutions meaningfully if women are excluded from political power. Parliament shapes institutions. If parliament is dominated by men, institutions will be built by men alone.”

Elections are being held after one and a half years of the interim government. Do you believe these elections will finally be free and fair?

The nation—both inside the country and in the diaspora—had been waiting for August 5 for a long time. After years of oppression, crimes, political persecution, money laundering, and looting under the Sheikh Hasina regime, July and August 5 marked a historic rupture. We witnessed the fall of an authoritarian regime, and that moment was deeply significant.

But what was required afterwards was a democratic transition to an elected government. Alongside that, there were two other critical agendas. First, justice. The nation needed closure. What happened on the streets of Dhaka in July was unbearable, and people wanted accountability for crimes committed over the last 16 years, including July 2024.

Second, there was an urgent need for reform of state institutions—law enforcement agencies, police, Rapid Action Battalion, the judiciary, and the civil administration—because these institutions had been deeply politicized and corrupted under the previous regime.

Reform, however, is a continuous process. Unfortunately, the interim government placed disproportionate emphasis on reforms through commissions and prolonged discussions, while losing focus on two equally urgent priorities: political transition through elections, and justice. Closure came late, and even then, there were questions about the process—particularly since strong evidence was circulating publicly before being formally presented in court.

Still, the verdict brought a sense of relief. Now we are approaching elections, hopefully next month. There are uncertainties, but we remain hopeful.

As someone who has worked closely with the diaspora for over a decade, what worries you most at this moment?

My biggest concern is the near absence of women in the political process. This is deeply troubling. When the nation united against the Sheikh Hasina regime, men and women from all classes stood together. Never did we imagine that, in a national election, women would make up less than five per cent of nominees—despite being half the population. BNP has nominated some women, but the other alliance has only the NCP nominating two women. Several women leaders have already resigned from that platform in protest against alliances with Islamist parties. As someone who believes in liberal democracy, women’s empowerment, and inclusive development, this is my greatest frustration.

Does this mean you feel disappointed with the student leaders who spearheaded the protests?

Yes, I am disappointed—deeply so—because of my ideological beliefs and values. The nation placed immense hope in these young leaders. People believed there would be new political arrangements, new thinking, new politics. But if, after all that talk, the outcome is simply another power-seeking alliance, then one must ask: what exactly is “new politics”?

I understand political dynamics and electoral compulsions. But as a woman, a human rights advocate, and someone who has consistently stood up for women in Bangladesh and abroad, this is unacceptable. You cannot reform institutions meaningfully if women are excluded from political power. Parliament shapes institutions. If parliament is dominated by men, institutions will be built by men alone.

Bangladesh has progressed because of women—whether in garments, education, healthcare, or industry. We rely on women for development but hesitate to empower them politically. That contradiction is alarming.

What are the diaspora’s expectations from BNP and its leadership, particularly Tarique Rahman?

Tarique Rahman has already outlined his vision through 31 proposals, which were initially presented a few years ago. Now, as he speaks more about the manifesto, certain priorities are becoming clearer: women’s participation, healthcare, and education. These are critical areas. Our healthcare system is in dire condition. I recently visited Thakurgaon and saw a public hospital ICU room with no equipment inside it. That’s the reality. Any government must prioritize healthcare. Education reform is equally vital. Women’s empowerment is another key pillar. The proposed family card system—issued in the woman’s name—is an important step. That is real empowerment.

I do see potential in Tarique Rahman’s plans. Bangladesh must be rebuilt by addressing the needs and rights of 50 percent of its population, not marginalizing them.

There have been concerns about law and order and communal tensions since July 2024. How do you assess the situation?

After any major uprising, some instability is expected—especially under an unelected interim government. Law enforcement agencies were shaken, and disorder was inevitable in the early phase. That said, the government could have acted more decisively to curb violence.

Regarding communal issues, I honestly do not see widespread communal attacks. In most cases involving minorities, disputes are about land, property, or employment—not religious targeting. I visited minority-dominated areas in Thakurgaon and spoke directly with residents. They do not feel attacked by the majority community. In fact, economically vulnerable majority populations often face similar or greater hardships. That said, minorities are psychologically more vulnerable, and the state must give them special attention and protection. That responsibility remains paramount.

What are your personal memories of Khaleda Zia, and how do you see Tarique Rahman carrying forward that legacy?

Khaleda Zia was an elegant and inclusive leader. Internally, she was deeply democratic. She listened to her colleagues, sought advice, and could be persuaded by strong arguments and logic. Many people don’t know this side of her leadership. Tarique Rahman is a different personality, as every leader is. But if there is one quality he should—and does—inherit from her, it is inclusiveness.

Bangladesh has suffered under arrogant leadership. Sheikh Hasina was aggressive and dismissive of dissent. Khaleda Zia was the opposite. People do not accept arrogance from those in power. Whoever governs next must remember this: authority without humility breeds resistance. The country cannot afford that again.