India supported Hasina regime—overtly and covertly. Now it must rethink its Bangladesh policy: Md Nahid Islam

Md Nahid Islam, convener of the student-led National Citizen Party, expects the upcoming elections in Bangladesh to provide not only a new government, but also fundamental constitutional change

36-Muhammad-Nahid-Islam Muhammad Nahid Islam | Salil Bera

Interview/ Muhammad Nahid Islam, convener, National Citizen Party

Muhammad Nahid Islam was the central coordinator of Students Against Discrimination, formed during the nationwide agitation against quota-based recruitment for government jobs in Bangladesh. He was at the forefront of the movement as it turned into a larger platform for students protesting against the Sheikh Hasina government. When an interim government took over under the leadership of Dr Muhammad Yunus after Hasina’s ouster, Nahid joined it as an adviser. He now serves as the convener of the students-led National Citizen Party. In an exclusive interview with THE WEEK, Nahid says his party wants the next elections to usher in not only a new government, but also fundamental constitutional changes. Excerpts:

India has clearly supported the Hasina regime―both overtly and covertly. In doing so, it often acted against the interests of Bangladesh. India maintained relations only with the Awami League and ignored the people and the state of Bangladesh.

Q/ What were the challenges you faced during the July uprising?

A/ Bangladesh was under an authoritarian regime for 15 years. It was a fascist government where people had no freedom of expression or democratic rights. Elections were rigged, dissent was crushed and protesters arrested. Torture cells were set up in universities. Our movement began as a non-political quota reform protest, but the anger had been building since 2018, especially when quotas were reinstated through the courts. Students were furious.

The movement began organically. Initially, there was no obstruction, but the government refused to acknowledge our demands. As the protests gained public support, the Chhatra League, which is the ruling party’s student wing, resorted to violence. They targeted female students first, especially those leading the protests in Dhaka University, followed by attacks in other universities like Jahangirnagar, Rajshahi and Chittagong. When people responded to these attacks, police opened fire, and students were martyred. We called for a complete shutdown. Students from private universities and madrasas, too, joined us.

Those of us leading the movement faced severe persecution. Our families were harassed. I was abducted by intelligence officers, tortured, and denied medical treatment. We were held for six days and forced to make statements urging an end to the protests. Despite that, the movement continued. The government had lost its legitimacy after shooting its own citizens. We raised a one-point demand for Sheikh Hasina’s resignation and resolved to build state infrastructure against fascism.

Q/ Why did you choose Dr Muhammad Yunus to lead? How was your experience in the interim government?

A/ On August 5, when the Hasina regime collapsed and we were tasked with forming an interim government, we consulted various parties to form a national government, but none agreed. We needed a widely acceptable leader. Dr Yunus had international stature, economic expertise and had himself been persecuted by the regime. He initially declined, saying he was not a politician. But we urged him to help us and he finally agreed to lead the interim government. Three of us from the students’ movement joined the government to ensure its legitimacy and uphold the movement’s spirit. The past seven months have been challenging. The risk of counter-revolution was real. The police force had collapsed and law and order was in disarray.

Despite infiltration from the old regime among bureaucrats and the police, the interim government has stabilised. Dr Yunus has brought control and direction. People are now showing satisfaction. By February, students began working on forming a new political party. Since existing parties were abandoning the cause of reform, it was time for a new political force. I realised I could contribute more from outside the government, so I stepped down and took responsibility for building the party.

Q/ The interim government promised a transition to elections. How committed is your party to that?

A/ From the beginning, we made it clear this interim government was not just here to hold elections. It was born out of a mass movement with specific commitments: justice for the July massacre and structural reforms. We did not just want a change of power from one party to another; we wanted a new political settlement―a new constitution, economic reform and true democracy. We have formed a Reforms Commission to lay the foundation. Our party’s position is that the next elections should usher in not only a new government but also fundamental constitutional changes. Some parties, including the BNP, have opposed this. A tentative timeline has been set for elections, which we have tentatively supported. But unless the movement’s core demands―justice and reform―are addressed, we must consider whether participating in elections without change would serve our purpose.

Q/ Jamaat-e-Islami and other groups have also supported your movement. What role do you see for Jamaat post-election?

A/ Several anti-fascist parties, including the BNP, Jamaat and some leftist groups, participated in this movement. Today, even Awami League supporters can speak freely. Jamaat has a long history in Bangladesh’s politics. As we approach the elections, they will try to mobilise their base. But our stance is clear. While we acknowledge their involvement in the movement, our party―the National Citizen Party―believes that the existing parties cannot fulfil the aspirations of today’s youth. We are creating an independent political path. We are not seeking a coalition.

Q/ How do you look at India’s role, and how will your party approach bilateral ties?

A/ India has clearly supported the Hasina regime―both overtly and covertly. In doing so, it often acted against the interests of Bangladesh. India maintained relations only with the Awami League and ignored the people and the state of Bangladesh. Going forward, we want state-to-state and people-to-people ties with India―based on peace, cooperation and mutual respect. Bangladesh must not be viewed solely through the lens of any one party. We seek a balanced and democratic South Asia.

India must rethink its policy towards Bangladesh. Our sovereignty and freedom must be respected. Since August 5, we have seen anti-uprising propaganda from Indian media and continued support for Hasina. This has not been well received by our people. To rebuild relations, India must engage with Bangladesh as a whole, not just with political elites.