BJP’s campaign in Gujarat's tribal belt has been aggressive

FAR AWAY FROM the huge flyovers that reflect the Gujarat growth story, in the Aravalli mountain ranges in the state’s northern tribal belt, it is a daily ritual for women to cook with firewood and fetch water from over a kilometre or two, usually twice a day. They can also be done to death by their husbands in a fit of rage. It could probably be from the delay in serving dinner or even from a husband’s desire to remarry.

“The victim’s parents would then destroy the house and the fields of the accused. Properties of people belonging to his caste or subcaste are also destroyed. The victim’s parents are accompanied by people of their caste,” said Rupabhai Ghorina of Upla Ghoda village in Banaskantha district.

The accused then has to give a compensation decided in consultation with village elders. The first instalment has to be given immediately, while the rest is given within a mutually agreed time frame. “To create pressure on the accused to pay on time, the family may not even touch the dead body for days together and may even hang it on the tree,” he said. The practice is called ‘chadoturu’. It is the local way of seeking justice.

Ghorina said that even today, when in labour pain, women are taken to the local ‘bhuva’ (a shaman) first. He spreads some grain on the floor and then divines whether it is indeed labour pain. In Panchmahals, Dahod and Chhotaudepur in central Gujarat, branding a woman a ‘witch’ continues to be a common practice. A single woman or a widow is usually an easy target.

While there are occasional flashes of brilliance from among the tribals–when some local people become doctors, engineers or sportspersons–for a majority of them, the real fruits of development are still unattainable. Stretching from Ambaji in the north to Umbergaon in the south, this tribal belt could play a major role when Gujarat votes in early December. And the BJP is desperate to win more seats from the region than it did in 2017.

Of the 27 seats reserved for scheduled tribes in the assembly, the Congress bagged 15 in the last elections, the BJP nine, the Bharatiya Tribal Party two and independent one. The Congress, however, is facing major challenges this time. Earlier this month, the party suffered a major setback when its 11-time MLA Mohansinh Rathwa from Chhotaudepur joined the BJP. The BJP gave his son, Rajendrasinh, the ticket from Chhotaudepur, where he is pitted against Sangramsinh Rathwa, son of Congress Rajya Sabha MP Naran Rathwa. Naran, whose term is expiring soon, had asked for a ticket for his son and that was apparently the bone of contention between the two senior Rathwas. Congress MLA from Jhalod, Bhavesh Katara, too, has resigned.

In May, Congress MLA from Khedbrahma in north Gujarat, Ashvin Kotwal, quit the party and is now contesting the polls on a BJP ticket. The Congress has fielded Tushar Chaudhary, son of former Gujarat chief minister Amarsinh Chaudhary, against him. Another Congress MLA who joined the BJP is Mangal Gavit, who made the switch two years ago.

Keeping in mind the importance of the tribal belt, Prime Minister Narendra Modi held his first election rally in Kaprada, south Gujarat. “For me, ‘A’ in ABCD stands for adivasi and I am fortunate that I am beginning my campaign with the blessings of my tribal brothers and sisters,” he said. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and AAP convener Arvind Kejriwal, too, have held rallies in the tribal belt.

Apart from the 27 ST seats, there are 13 other seats in which the tribals can play a decisive role. In Bharuch, Jhagadhia and neighbouring areas, it will be interesting to see the performance of the Bharatiya Tribal Party. Founded by MLA Chhotu Vasava, who was earlier with the Janata Dal (United), the party has won seats in Rajasthan as well. In Gujarat, it has two MLAs―Vasava and his son, Mahesh. The party contested seven seats in 2017 following a tie-up with the Congress.

The influence the Congress enjoys in the tribal belt stems from the work done by Gandhians in the region, said Mustukhan Sukh, who runs an NGO in the remote villages of Banaskantha. Padma Shri winning cultural activist Ganesh Devy said the change seen in the cities and villages were because of mobile technologies. “These changes are despite the government. Such changes are seen in [states like] Bihar as well,” he said. In his view, it is important to look at development from the prism of constitutional promises and guarantees. “While the Constitution allows religious freedom, tribals are forced to identify themselves as Hindus. They are denied good education and are forced to migrate in large numbers,” he said. Devy also said that a majority of the tribals still did not enjoy land ownership, although it was promised under the Forests Rights Act.

Radhivad, a village touching the Himmatnagar-Ambaji highway, is a classic example of the state of neglect. The primary school building in the village was declared unfit by the authorities a couple of years ago. But a new one has not yet been built, said Premsinh Rehwar, a villager. Classes are now held in rooms rented by villagers. They are also angry that the government has failed to honour the promise to build 100 toilets and provide better health facilities. Natwarsinh Chauhan, for instance, spends more than Rs10,000 every month to treat his wife’s kidney ailment because he has been unable to get her an Aadhaar card. Free treatment is available only for those with an Aadhaar number. The villagers are unhappy about the unreliable water supply as well. They are boycotting the elections and have asked politicians from all parties to stay away.

Vansda MLA Anant Patel, who successfully led the agitation against the Par-Tapi river-linking project, said irrigation was a major issue in the region and tribals had to depend on rain-fed agriculture. In the name of cheaper seeds, they get only poor quality seeds leading to crop failure, he said.

Several villages have highlighted the issue of unemployment. Kanubhai Parmar of Ratanpur said educated youth were not getting jobs. Most jobs went to influential candidates. They are also unhappy about the performance of their representatives. “We vote for these people and make them MLAs,” said Parmar. “But they never visit us after the elections.”