1) There are reports that the CIA and Israel may provide support to Kurdish groups or Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) to fight Iran. Is this true?
The current war against Iran is a result of the contradictions between the USA and Israel on the one side and Iran on the other side. It was started by the USA and Israel in order to enforce their demands on Iran. The Kurdish people, the other peoples of Iran and especially the women have suffered great harm from the ongoing fighting. As PJAK, we have always followed a strategy of self-defence. We lead our struggle to protect the homeland, identity and political existence of the Kurdish people and to support the legitimate demands for democracy, equality and freedom of the peoples of Iran. Our fundamental goal is the recognition of the cultural and political rights of our people. No support has been given to us by any external forces. We organise ourselves solely based on the support of our people. At the same time, we have had contacts with a variety of actors who are active in the region.
2) Recent reports suggest a transactional interest from the Trump administration in using Kurdish groups to pin down IRGC forces. Given the historical precedent of the US withdrawing support for Kurdish allies in Syria and Iraq, what specific guarantees or political recognition is PJAK demanding before committing its 'battle-tested' cadres to a full-scale ground offensive against Tehran?
States follow their own interests. These might sometimes overlap with the interests of the people. Although we have been faced with a huge crisis all over West Asia for more than three decades, every country in the region has its own characteristics. Therefore, it can lead to insufficient conclusions if we were to compare events in Syria with those in other countries in West Asia. The Kurdish people are an actor that follows its own strategy, has a strong organisational base and has broad regional and international relations. We are working according to a clear strategy, which is to protect the existence of the Kurdish people, ensure their political status and democratize Iran. We have the power to protect our people. We have been fighting for years on the basis of our own strength. We do not act according to the demands of other forces. Whether there is a war in the region or not, our duty and responsibility are to protect our country. In this context, we welcome relations with all forces that support democracy, equality and especially women’s freedom.
3) Critics say PJAK is not an independent Iranian actor but a tactical wing of the PKK. If a peace deal is reached between Turkey and Abdullah Öcalan, would PJAK be bound by those terms to lay down arms in Iran, or do you maintain complete operational and political sovereignty over your struggle against the Islamic Republic?
PJAK was founded in 2004 and has ever since remained an independent party. We make our own decisions and follow an independent policy in East Kurdistan and Iran. Of course, we consider ourselves part of the broader struggle of the Kurdish people for their legitimate rights. As a force of East Kurdistan, we give great importance to the ideas and philosophy of the Kurdish people’s leader, Abdullah Öcalan. The Kurds in East Kurdistan feel great admiration for him. We consider Öcalan’s efforts for a peaceful and political solution of the ‘Kurdish question’ as very important. PJAK is a force that protects East Kurdistan. Therefore, we will continue our struggle as long as there is an attack on our people. PJAK’s 22-year practice shows that we are an independent party that is fighting against the system of denial and annihilation of the regime of the Islamic Republic.
4) The Iranian government calls PJAK a 'separatist' movement seeking to dismantle the country’s territorial integrity. Your charter, however, speaks of Democratic Confederalism and a 'democratic, federal Iran.' In a post-war scenario, how do you define the exact boundary between 'local autonomy' and 'secession,' and would you commit to a unified national military under a new democratic government?
As PJAK, we believe that democracy is the key to solving the many serious problems in Iran. Especially, the freedom of women will have to be guaranteed in a future democratic Iran. Democracy will benefit not only the Kurds but also the Azeris, Baluch, Ahwaz and Persians in the country. Decentralisation, the constitutional recognition of the cultural diversity of Iran, strong local governance and all essential freedoms for the people will allow Iran to become a stable and strong country. The charter of our movement does not include any separatist goals. Our approach is based on people's self-administration. We consider it very important for the people to have a strong voice in the system of governance. Therefore, we consider the system of democratic confederalism as most suitable. Ultimately, our goal is a free Kurdistan as part of a democratic Iran.
5) There are reports of Iran carrying out a severe crackdown in the Kurdish areas in January this year. What is your response to this, and how would you describe this crackdown?
The Iranian regime responded with brutal force to the peaceful and democratic protests of the Iranian people in January. Thousands of people were killed all over the country, and many more have been arrested. If the regime did not have anything to hide, why did it shut down the internet for days in January? It is wrong to blame the legitimate protests on external forces and claim that the protesters used organised violence. Just like in 2022 during the ‘Women, Life, Freedom’ protests, the people demanded democracy, freedom and equality. They demanded economic opportunities. They demanded an end to death penalties, imprisonment and the atmosphere of fear. These are all very understandable demands in light of Iran’s current situation. The Iranian regime needs to listen to its people and take serious steps towards democratisation. Otherwise, it will remain under constant pressure from the people. This only makes it easier for outside forces to try to use the internal instability of the country for their own interests.
6) How has the security situation changed in the Kurdish-controlled areas of Iran after the conflict began?
Since the start of the current war, the internet has been cut off, which has made it difficult to get reliable information. However, we have considerable forces inside the country, and they continue to send us information about the situation of the people. The Islamic Republic of Iran continuously carried out attacks against the people even before the current war. Now, although the regime has become very weak, it is once again threatening the people and has made it very hard for them. Currently, the situation of the people is extremely difficult in political, social, security and economic terms. Regime forces have been deployed to civilian institutions in Kurdish cities and villages, such as schools and mosques. Due to the daily heavy bombardments, this has put the lives of our people at great risk.
7) It is said that the conflict could lead to instability in Iran. If yes,what will the instability mean for Iran?
Iran has suffered from instability for decades. Especially since the ‘Women, Life, Freedom’ protests, instability has continued in all forms in Iran. The cause of this instability is the failed policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran itself. With each external attack, the Iranian state’s threats against the people and women increase. Hundreds of people have been imprisoned since the start of the war, and death penalties have also been carried out. This has now reached a point where the regime has lost its legitimacy among the people. If the regime continues its current policy, this crisis will only deepen. In order to achieve stability, a serious change in mentality is needed. A democratic and inclusive approach towards the people of Iran is urgently needed. As long as there are such grave limitations of freedom in Iran, no one can talk about stability. A democratic Iran that recognises its diversity as its strength will have a strong place in West Asia. Iran is an old civilisation that can contribute greatly to stability, democracy and peace in our region.