The indictment of Bezalel Zini, the brother of Israel’s domestic intelligence chief David Zini, has escalated from a criminal case into a full-blown political and security scandal. What initially appeared to be a relatively small smuggling operation has instead exposed vulnerabilities in Israel’s wartime controls, raised uncomfortable questions about corruption within the Israel Defence Forces’ reserve system, and cast a shadow over the leadership of the Shin Bet.
Israeli prosecutors have charged Zini and several accomplices with a range of offences, including aiding the enemy in wartime, financing terror activity, fraud and bribery. According to the indictment, the operation involved a network of Israeli reservists, Palestinian suppliers and warehouse operators inside Gaza. Zini, a 50-year-old reservist, served as a logistics officer for the “Uriah” team, a unit tasked with demolishing infrastructure inside the Gaza Strip during the war.
Prosecutors allege that Zini exploited his military status and the privileged access granted to his unit to bypass security procedures at the border. By falsely declaring his cargo as essential military or security equipment, he is accused of transporting 14 cartons of cigarettes through the Sufa crossing, which at the time was closed to humanitarian traffic. While Zini’s personal charges focus on tobacco, investigators say the wider smuggling ring trafficked a variety of prohibited items, including spare car parts, iPhones, batteries and other dual-use electronics with potential military applications. For his role, Zini is alleged to have earned approximately $117,000.
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The most serious implications of the case lie in its alleged contribution to Hamas’s ability to survive and govern during the conflict. Israeli security officials argue that the smuggling of high-value black-market goods directly undermined Israel’s war objectives. The Shin Bet has stated that such operations assist Hamas by enabling it to rebuild capabilities and reinforce its control over Gaza’s economy and population.
Israel’s decision to impose a strict ban on the entry of tobacco into Gaza caused prices to soar, creating an extraordinarily lucrative black market. Prosecutors argue that Hamas taxes these goods at multiple points along the supply chain, allowing it to extract millions in revenue. The indictment states that the defendants were aware that the goods could reach “terrorist elements” and be used to finance their activities. Security officials also warned that the routes established by the ring posed a significant threat to national security, as they could just as easily be used to smuggle weapons, sensitive technologies or personnel into or out of the territory.
The affair raises serious questions about the integrity within the IDF’s reserve forces and logistical command structures, with serving reservists involved in a criminal enterprise that allegedly aided the enemy. The IDF has said it views the case “very gravely”, noting that the participation of soldiers on active or reserve duty makes the offences even more severe.
The investigation has highlighted a troubling weakness in wartime security protocols, whereby soldiers were able to bypass checks by invoking “operational need”. Zini’s unit, the Uriah Force, reportedly included a number of right-wing volunteers and in some cases operated outside the standard chain of command, particularly when using heavy engineering equipment. This relative autonomy may have reduced oversight and accountability. That a logistics officer could repeatedly move contraband into a sealed military zone during active hostilities suggests that systems designed to maintain a supposedly hermetic blockade were vulnerable to manipulation from within.
Politically, the scandal has reverberated most sharply around the leadership of the Shin Bet because of Zini’s family connection. His brother, David Zini, has not been implicated in the investigation and is not suspected of any wrongdoing. Nevertheless, the optics are damaging. To avoid a conflict of interest, the investigation was conducted by the Israel Police rather than the Shin Bet, which would ordinarily handle security-related offences.
David Zini’s position was already contentious. Appointed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in May 2025, he was brought in from the IDF despite having no prior experience within the Shin Bet, replacing Ronen Bar, who was dismissed following the intelligence failures surrounding the October 7 attacks. Media commentators have drawn attention to David Zini’s public silence since his brother’s indictment became known. While many argue he cannot be held responsible for a relative’s alleged crimes, right-wing outlets have called on him to address the public directly to preserve trust amid allegations framed by some as treasonous. The episode risks distracting the agency at a time when it remains central to Israel’s campaign against Palestinian militant groups.
Beyond its security and political dimensions, the case also sheds light on the brutal economics of war under blockade. The smuggling took place at a time when basic necessities were tightly controlled. When the war was at its peak, a single cigarette reportedly sold for more than $80, while a carton could fetch close to $15,000.
Despite official claims of a total blockade, the border proved porous for those with access, capital and connections. Prosecutors argue that this reality is central to why the offences constitute aiding the enemy: Hamas controls market distribution within Gaza and extracts revenue from virtually all economic activity. The smuggling ring therefore, did more than supply consumer goods; it injected highly taxable assets into an economy starved of liquidity, indirectly subsidising the very organisation Israel’s military was fighting to dismantle.
Zini’s indictment ultimately reveals how corruption within military ranks can undermine strategic objectives, provide financial lifelines to enemy actors and embarrass the highest levels of the security establishment in the midst of war.
