Interview/ Pinarayi Vijayan, chief minister, Kerala
When Pinarayi Vijayan was finishing class five, his mother, Kalyani, was advised by a teacher never to stop his education. At a time when many children left school to work, she followed that advice and sent him to high school. There, another teacher urged her to let him study as far as he could and stop only if he failed.
He never did. Decades later, as Vijayan seeks an unprecedented third consecutive term as Kerala’s chief minister, that early lesson in persistence offers a way of understanding his political journey. In office, as in school, he has relied on endurance—pushing through crises, absorbing setbacks and betting on continuity. The question now is whether that same instinct can carry him through his toughest electoral test yet.
Excerpts from an exclusive interview:
Q/ Which decisions or policies of your two terms do you consider the most consequential for Kerala?
Our priority has been to improve the living standards of ordinary people through comprehensive welfare measures, by strengthening public health and educational institutions, and by creating world-class infrastructure. One of the most important interventions has been the LIFE Mission project, through which five lakh homes have been built for the homeless. Another milestone has been the eradication of extreme poverty through committed, decentralised and customised plans. As many as 64,006 families have been lifted out of extreme poverty.
The launch of the Water Metro in Kochi—the first such service in the country—is another watershed moment. Similarly, the inauguration of Phase I of the Wayanad township fulfilled our promise to the victims of the 2024 Mundakkai-Chooralmala landslide disaster. The commissioning of the Vizhinjam International Seaport, the establishment of the country’s first digital university, the creation of the first graphene centre, the expansion of national highways and the distribution of 4.5 lakh land title deeds to the landless are among the major achievements of our government. The seamless distribution of social security pensions to nearly 62 lakh beneficiaries also reflects our commitment to a welfare-driven development model. Around Rs5,500 crore has been spent on modernising schools, resulting in 55,000 classrooms with modern facilities. The higher education sector has also undergone significant change, with nearly Rs2,300 crore invested in advanced infrastructure and curriculum reform.
Through the Kerala Fibre Optic Network (KFON), we have also broken private monopolies in the digital sector. By providing high-speed internet to government offices and more than one lakh economically weaker households free of cost, we have turned the digital divide into a digital opportunity for our youth. Our health sector continues to be a global model, with an infant mortality rate of 5, outperforming several developed countries. With more than 7,400 start-ups and investments worth Rs6,000 crore, over 74,000 jobs have been created in the technology sector.
Q/ Ten years in power can lead to voter fatigue, even for a government with achievements.
The cornerstone of political democracy is loyalty to the electorate. A governance model, or any dispensation, should be evaluated for its sincerity in delivering promises. The LDF government has delivered on all its promises. So, there isn’t any discontent among the people about this dispensation.
Q/ The opposition leader calls the Congress and the UDF the “real left” and describes your government as right-wing.
Left politics in Kerala is defined by uncompromising secularism, social justice and the protection of the public sector against neoliberal onslaughts. The opposition leader’s attempt to label us “right-wing” is a desperate political gimmick to mask the UDF’s own ideological inconsistencies and historical soft-pedalling on communalism. Our “Kerala Model” prioritises the marginalised and resists corporate-driven policies, which is the very antithesis of right-wing governance.
Q/ The CPI(M) has repeatedly expressed concern about the BJP’s growing presence in Kerala, particularly among sections once seen as your traditional strongholds. How do you assess this rise and the BJP’s claim that even a few seats could change the state’s political balance?
The BJP’s claim that they only need a few seats to alter the state’s equilibrium is an assault on Kerala’s secular fabric and democratic traditions. We view their growth not as a shift in the state’s soul, but as a challenge that requires us to further strengthen our secular grassroots mobilisation. While they may try to exploit specific local grievances, Kerala’s politically conscious electorate has consistently rejected their divisive ideology. And we have complete faith in them to reject the vicious communal hatemongering in the coming elections, too.
Q/ Several senior leaders have left the CPI(M) and are contesting as rebels with UDF backing.
The departure of one or two leaders is driven by personal “parliamentary ambitions” rather than any ideological disagreement or deeper unease within the party. The CPI(M) is a cadre-based organisation that functions on collective decision-making, and those who prioritise individual interests over party principles naturally find themselves alienated. History shows that those who leave the party to join hands with our rivals eventually lose their political relevance, as the people of Kerala value loyalty to the cause.
Q/ As the BJP foregrounds development while keeping hindutva in the background, has the left’s political agenda also shifted?
For us, development is not a substitute for ideology; it is the practical application of our ideology to improve the lives of the working class. While the BJP uses “development” as a mask for hindutva, our development is inclusive, secular and aimed at social empowerment, ensuring our ideological moorings remain as firm as ever.
Q/ The Sabarimala issue placed your government in a difficult position during your first term. CPI(M) leaders now speak of respecting believers’ sentiments.
Our approach has always been to uphold the law while respecting the evolving consensus of society. We have consistently maintained that matters of faith should be discussed with religious scholars and social reformers, a stance we have now formally reiterated to the Supreme Court. This is not a “U-turn” but a nuanced balancing of constitutional obligations with the lived experiences and sentiments of the faithful.
Q/ Critics say the Sabarimala gold controversy has raised broader concerns about transparency and accountability in the Devaswom boards.
The SIT investigation into the Sabarimala controversy is monitored by the High Court, ensuring complete transparency and preventing any political interference. Anyone found guilty of financial irregularities or breach of trust will face the full force of the law. We have always empowered the Devaswom boards to function with autonomy, and these legal proceedings are part of our commitment to maintaining the sanctity and accountability of our public institutions.
Q/ The Congress accuses the CPI(M) of “adjustment politics” with the BJP, while the CPI(M) speaks of a Congress-Muslim League-BJP nexus.
In Kerala, the UDF often aligns with extremist elements like the Jamaat-e-Islami or engages in “adjustment politics” with the BJP to undermine the left. We place utmost priority on fighting the sangh parivar’s onslaught on our secular psyche and constitutional framework. We also emphasise resisting the market-driven neoliberal ideology that forms the essence of policymaking in the country now. Both the BJP and Congress follow the path of neoliberal restructuring of our economy, and we firmly oppose them. Our stand is clear. We champion people-centric welfare politics and oppose economic reforms in favour of monopoly corporate interests. The left also remains steadfast in resisting any form of communalism that endangers the essence of our unity.