Shastri Ramachandaran’s book makes a persuasive argument in defence of the ‘Asian Century’ that will be propelled by New Delhi and Beijing, providing rare insights from an insider’s view of China.

Shastri Ramachandaran’s book makes a persuasive argument in defence of the ‘Asian Century’ that will be propelled by New Delhi and Beijing, providing rare insights from an insider’s view of China.

Shastri Ramachandaran’s book makes a persuasive argument in defence of the ‘Asian Century’ that will be propelled by New Delhi and Beijing, providing rare insights from an insider’s view of China.

The assertion that the 21st century belongs to India and China has a compelling logic to it. Shastri Ramachandaran’s book, Chindia, makes a persuasive argument in defence of the ‘Asian Century’ that will be propelled by India and China.

The book is a product of his lived experiences in that country where he spent almost a decade working for the Chinese media groups that shaped his thought process. This is a sequel to the author’s earlier book, Beyond Binaries: The World of India and China, both of which provide rare insights from an insider’s view of China. 

Shastri states the obvious that China is no longer a hostage to a structured ideological centrality of the past. It's socialism with Chinese characteristics and emphasis on economics that have evolved since Chairman Deng Xioping’s ‘Open Door’ policy that sought to ‘eliminate poverty’ and ‘not be left behind’.

President Xi Jinping fast-tracked higher productivity forces to achieve unprecedented economic growth. The author gives a peep into how Xi centralised his power through a ruthless campaign against corruption. He purged important functionaries; the sentencing to life imprisonment of the powerful Party Secretary Bo Xilai in September 2013 consolidated his grip over the Party and paved out the Dengist nature of collective politics. 

On the occasion of 70th anniversary of China’s annexation of Tibet in 2020, the author recalls with awe the rapid transformative changes taking place on the ‘Roof of the World', which he visited on few occasions.

He found Tibetans happy with economic prosperity reaching them and the youth better off even under the limited autonomy of the region now. However, this simplistic assessment ignores the long struggle of Tibetans in exile led by the Dalai Lama, and the painful erosion of their culture and heritage.

The futuristic view of India-China relations is the central theme of the book as it traces bilateral developments from under Nehru to Modi.

All along, the Chinese leadership seemed to have been disappointed over the imponderable, unresolved boundary issue that continues to hold hostage any progress in the relations.

Shastri’s suggestion for better border management and confidence-building measures for resolving overlapping perceptions overlooks Chinese unprovoked aggressive incidents, incursions at the border—Depsang, Doklam, Galwan—the CPEC, stapled visas and so on. These have not only prevented meaningful dialogue between the two but also caused a massive trust deficit. For example, the 1962 war froze bilateral dialogue at the summit level for decades until Rajiv Gandhi’s visit in 1988. 

Shastri puts the spotlight on the cold calculation in China’s foreign policy where personal chemistry rarely plays a role.

China remained non-committal on India’s NSG issue, even though PM Modi had met him at Tashkent in June 2016 for the SCO Summit. China appreciates the civilisational connect with India, but beyond that, it is all brass tracks.

Bonding gains made by two leaders in Wuhan and Mamallapuram mean little to China.

This may also be a lapse on its part because with India, its efforts at isolating the boundary issue from vitiating other engagements—especially on trade and investments—have not worked. It cannot ignore India’s large market size and investment potential; bilateral trade continues to be upbeat at $151 billion in 2025-26, in favour of China. 

The author draws contrast to India’s absence of internal reflection on China and its military provocations—whether it was due to India’s growing closeness to the US, the Quad, internal policy shifts or other reasons.

The duplicity of the Western powers staying silent in the aftermath of Galwan should be exposed. He wants India to emulate Japanese and US policies that maintain strong trade and investment links with China, even as they see it as a competitor and adversary.

The US uses the India-China stand-off to advance its own strategic agenda and push defence deals. The media, he argues, has a role to play in educating the public, reassuring them and clearing misperceptions about India-China relations. However, he fears that the hardline nationalism pursued by RSS and Sangh Parivar may prevent any settlement. 

The book covers at length developments in India’s neighbourhood and cautions about the growing influence of China in South Asia to the detriment of India’s leadership and influence in the region. He reimagines the revival of the SAARC to include China on which India may be isolated. In SCO and BRICS too, India’s role seems to be diminishing, the author laments. 

In all matters involving India-China, the book eludes to a fraught journey—a step-by-step approach—to cover the formidable distance.

The optimist in Shastri exhorts that even as competition exists, they both can significantly gain from collaborations and convergences. Shastri’s bold attempt at replacing stereotypes and scepticism with curiosity makes the book engaging. The way forward he suggests, "trade to lead the way and the flag to follow", is worth reflecting upon. 

Title: Chindia: Journey to an Asian Century

Author: Shastri Ramachandaran

Publisher: Paranjoy

Price: ₹895

Pages: 392

The reviewer is a distinguished diplomat with a 36-year career with India's Ministry of External Affairs, who retired in August 2025 as Secretary (Economic Relations).

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