With Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russia President Vladimir Putin likely to visit India for the BRICS Summit on September 12-13, moves are afoot to lay the groundwork to deepen ties with India, particularly in the backdrop of expectations that BRICS 2026 in New Delhi may prove to be a watershed moment as far as India’s relations with these two countries go. And that has global strategic implications.

With Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russia President Vladimir Putin likely to visit India for the BRICS Summit on September 12-13, moves are afoot to lay the groundwork to deepen ties with India, particularly in the backdrop of expectations that BRICS 2026 in New Delhi may prove to be a watershed moment as far as India’s relations with these two countries go. And that has global strategic implications.

With Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russia President Vladimir Putin likely to visit India for the BRICS Summit on September 12-13, moves are afoot to lay the groundwork to deepen ties with India, particularly in the backdrop of expectations that BRICS 2026 in New Delhi may prove to be a watershed moment as far as India’s relations with these two countries go. And that has global strategic implications.

With Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russia President Vladimir Putin likely to visit India for the BRICS Summit on September 12-13, moves are afoot to lay the groundwork to deepen ties with India, particularly in the backdrop of expectations that BRICS 2026 in New Delhi may prove to be a watershed moment as far as India’s relations with these two countries go. And that has global strategic implications.

First, is the very significant meeting between the Indian and Chinese militaries at the senior commander level in the Wacha-Damai border meeting point on September 6. Wacha-Damai is located near Anjou district’s Kibithu, very close to the McMahon Line that marks the India-China border demarcation.

The talks between Asia’s two biggest militaries in Arunachal Pradesh is also interesting because of widespread reports of the recent intrusion activity by Chinese troops in the Taksing area of the Uppers Subansiri district.

For the record, China doesn’t recognise Indian sovereignty over Arunachal Pradesh and considers most parts of the northeastern state as part of ‘Southern Tibet’.

While the border dispute in eastern Ladakh is ‘mostly’ resolved, there is no agreement between the two sides on Arunachal Pradesh. A military meeting just before the heads of states meet in New Delhi may enhance chances of some ‘understanding’ that can be formalised.

In this context, official sources point out to the meeting as being a follow-up of the meeting between India’s national security adviser Ajit Doval with Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Beijing on August 25.

Second, the Russian state-owned media platform Sputnik is organising an online press briefing for Indian journalists to be addressed by Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov on September 8. This move acquires more significance ahead of Putin’s Delhi visit and is indicative of Moscow’s eagerness to wean over New Delhi to the emerging China-Russia axis.

While Russia’s stated position on India is that of an ‘understanding’ of the Indian point of view on Ukraine, this time, Moscow may seek more commitment from India.

Already a broad consensus resulted in a joint statement during the SCO Summit in Bishkek on August 31. If the SCO Summit is an indication, BRICS may indeed see some northward movement in India’s bilateral relationships with China and Russia.

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