Iran accuses Gulf monarchies of quietly backing US strikes, deepening mistrust as war spreads

The ongoing war has sharply heightened tensions between Iran and neighbouring Gulf Arab states, threatening to unravel the fragile diplomatic progress achieved in recent years. Since the conflict erupted on February 28, the Gulf has been caught between longstanding security alliances with the United States and the immediate geographical and military threats posed by Iran. More than 2,000 drone and missile strikes have hit countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, targeting US military installations as well as key regional infrastructure and pushing Iran–Gulf relations to the brink.

A major point of contention centres on Iranian accusations that some Gulf leaders are secretly backing the US-led offensive. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi on Monday demanded clarification after the New York Times reported that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had privately urged US President Donald Trump to “continue hitting the Iranians hard”. The alleged remark echoed a famous appeal by the late King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud urging Washington to “cut off the head of the snake”.

Araghchi suggested that Gulf states hosting American forces might be covertly encouraging the campaign against Iran. Saudi officials, however, vehemently denied the report, calling it false and insisting that Riyadh had worked to avert military confrontation. The kingdom has also assured Tehran that its airspace, land and territorial waters would not be used for attacks on Iran. The report has since been missing from the New York Times website. 

Yet the fallout of the war has spilled heavily into the Gulf. Iran and its regional proxies have launched waves of drone and missile strikes across Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and the United Arab Emirates, claiming they were aimed at US bases and Israeli-linked interests located in those countries. Ali Larijani, head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, defended the attacks, asking whether Iran was expected to “stand idly by” while American bases in neighbouring states were used to strike Iranian territory. He also accused Islamic countries of abandoning Iran. “Is the position of some Islamic governments not in contradiction with the words of the Prophet of Islam who said: ‘Whoever hears the cry for help of a Muslim and does not respond is not a Muslim’?” asked Larijani. “So what kind of Islam is this?”

Iranian strikes have hit civilian and economic targets, including hotels, airports and oil infrastructure. Iran’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Alireza Enayati, denied Tehran’s responsibility for attacks on facilities such as the Ras Tanura refinery and the Shaybah oil field. According to Enayati, Iran only targets US or Israeli assets and would openly claim responsibility for any strikes it conducts.

The relentless attacks have triggered a noticeable shift in rhetoric among Gulf leaders. The United Arab Emirates, which normalised relations with Israel in 2020 and has absorbed some of the most damaging strikes, has adopted a notably sharper tone. UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan openly described Iran as “the enemy” and warned that the UAE was “not easy prey”, marking a departure from the country’s typically cautious diplomatic language. After talks between Mohammed bin Zayed and Mohammed bin Salman, the two leaders condemned Iran’s attacks on GCC states as a “dangerous escalation” that threatens regional stability. Meanwhile, Larijani criticised Muslim governments for failing to support Iran and appealed directly to Muslim populations in the Gulf.

Enayati noted that although diplomatic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia were restored in 2023, the present crisis may require a “serious review” of regional security arrangements, including reducing dependence on outside powers. He emphasised, however, that routine diplomatic contacts between Tehran and Riyadh remain ongoing.

Economic warfare has further inflamed tensions. Tehran has effectively imposed a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, choking off much of the oil exports of its Arab neighbours while allowing its own shipments to continue moving. Saudi Arabia and the UAE possess pipelines that bypass the strait, but these routes can handle only a fraction of the lost export volumes. Iran has vowed to keep the passage closed to its “enemies”, though it has permitted ships from non-belligerent countries such as India to transit the corridor. In response, the US is attempting to assemble a multinational naval force to secure the waterway, an initiative that could further militarise the Gulf.

Despite enduring thousands of attacks and major economic disruption, Gulf states have so far avoided launching direct retaliatory strikes against Iran, reflecting a deep fear of what might follow a broader escalation.