ON FEBRUARY 13, even before the newspaper boys could reach their doorsteps, a bank notification appeared on the phones of 1.31 crore women in Tamil Nadu. “Rs5,000 under the Kalaingar Magalir Urimai Thogai (KMUT) has been credited to your account,” read the message. Under the scheme, launched in September 2023, the state government gives these women Rs1,000 every month. This time, though, it decided to transfer the money for three months in advance, plus a summer bonus of Rs2,000.
In a viral video, Chief Minister M.K. Stalin explained the thought process. “Citing the election as a reason, they (opposition) are trying to block the rightful assistance for three months. Our Dravidian model government has moved ahead of them. This urimai thogai (rightful compensation) was an assurance made by us to the women of Tamil Nadu. Let them creates obstacles, I will not step back.”
Within hours, women queued in front of ATMs across Tamil Nadu. “I was surprised when I reached my branch at 9am,” said K. Murugavel, the branch manager of a national bank in Theni. “There were more than 300 women waiting in front of our ATM.”
Currently, the scheme covers nearly one in four women in the state. As per the draft SIR rolls published in December, there are 5.43 crore voters in Tamil Nadu—2.66 crore women and 2.77 crore men. The DMK believes that its outreach—the scheme covers nearly half the women voters—will translate into votes. Party insiders and senior leaders say the cash transfer could yield a “very positive result” and help mobilise at least 40 per cent of the women between 30 and 70, especially those in villages. It would also, they say, reduce anti-incumbency in certain pockets of the state. “Tamil Nadu remains a welfare state. As our leader anticipated hurdles, we decided to transfer the money for the welfare of women beneficiaries,” Finance Minister Thangam Thennarasu told THE WEEK.
Notably, the latest transfer sets the Stalin government back by Rs6,550 crore in one go. If the DMK retains power, Stalin has promised to double the amount to Rs2,000.
In January, the Pongal hamper for ration card holders (2.2 crore) included a cash component of Rs3,000. Along with the KMUT scheme, this cost the state government Rs13,486 crore, which is a huge burden on the exchequer. As per the state budget, Tamil Nadu’s overall debt crossed Rs9.21 lakh crore as of early 2026.
The costly welfare programmes, reduced Central transfers and a combination of other factors have led to a heavy debt burden on the state. At a meeting in Delhi in January, Thennarasu told the Union government that Tamil Nadu was yet to be allotted Rs3,548 crore under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan for 2024-25 and 2025-26. He also expressed concern that the GST rate rationalisation could lead to a revenue loss of Rs10,000 crore for the state this year.
“We decided to fund the welfare schemes despite this burden as it was a promise given by our chief minister and we did not want to deceive the women,” said Thennarasu. “Because elections are due, people club the money disbursal with it. But we would have incurred the expenses over the next three months as this is being done every month.”
The state government is trying to manage these pressures through increased borrowing, although the fiscal deficit continues to exceed the 3 per cent target. Thennarasu said there was a renewed sense of confidence as the State’s Own Tax Revenue (SOTR) is projected to grow by 14.6 per cent in 2025-2026. The latest economic survey, which the state planning commission presented on February 16, indicates that Tamil Nadu would remain on the growth path.
The burden on the exchequer might be large, but the schemes could ensure that the women do not drift to the DMK’s opponents, or even the new Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, led by actor Vijay. “Our opponents cannot call it political opportunism at this point of time,” said Thennarasu. “If they call it that, the women voters will definitely be offended.”
The focus on women is not new. In 2016, J. Jayalalithaa could retain power only because of the many poll promises she had made, particularly those aimed at women. These included a 50 per cent subsidy on scooters, increased financial aid to pregnant women and also a statewide expansion of special health schemes. Notably, this was the first state election where there were more women voters than men.
“This means women play an important role in shaping results in Tamil Nadu,” said Vignesh Karthik K.R., a postdoctoral research affiliate in Indian and Indonesian politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies. “The small gap in participation between men and women may account partly for the many pro-women legislations and schemes enacted by successive governments. There is an element of electoral compulsion to cater to the needs of a large women electorate.”
More important, the schemes also have to ensure self-dignity as the women in Tamil Nadu are more independent in terms of whom they vote for compared with those in certain other parts of the country. They decide based on not only the welfare schemes, but also on the leader’s charisma and an understanding if the schemes will continue.
The women votes that had consolidated behind Jayalalithaa since the 1990s have always had a strong influence in the state’s rural and semi-urban constituencies. “After Jayalalithaa, it is only Stalin who takes care of women like me,” said Kalavathi Manohar, who works at construction sites. “I get a cash benefit of Rs1,000 every month. And the free bus ride everyday helps me save Rs1,800 a month. My children get breakfast and meals at school. This is more than enough for me to run my family.”