Hamid Mir
ISLAMABAD
How did Pakistan emerge as the trusted mediator in a conflict between Iran and the US? For decades, Pakistan’s enemies portrayed it as a troublemaker. Pakistan became a nuclear power in 1998, like India, but the country was also linked to terrorist groups after Osama bin Laden was found in Pakistan. It was Donald Trump who angrily accused Pakistan of “lies and deceit” in January 2018.
However, the same Trump is now praising Pakistan for playing the role of peacemaker. Pakistan not only organised the first-ever high-level direct contact between Washington and Tehran in the last five decades, but also managed a ceasefire in Lebanon despite having no formal diplomatic relations with Israel. How did Pakistan win over the US? How did Pakistan gain the trust of Iran, which carried out missile and drone attacks against Pakistan in 2024?
Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar dismissed Pakistan’s mediation role by referring to Pakistan as a “dalaal” (broker). Jaishankar forgot that Trump had started praising this “dalaal” long before the US attack on Iran. Jaishankar must also be aware that more surprises may emerge after a US-Iran deal. There are stories within stories, revolving not only around Pakistan but around several other players that could emerge as new strategic partners of this “dalaal”. One such surprise may come after Trump’s visit to China. A new strategic alliance involving Pakistan, Turkey and Saudi Arabia could begin to take shape.
It is a long story that began in May 2025 after a four-day war between India and Pakistan. Trump repeatedly claimed credit for brokering the ceasefire. While India denied all of Trump’s claims, Pakistan not only endorsed them, but even nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize. In June 2025, Trump invited Pakistan’s army chief, General Asim Munir, to the White House for a private lunch. Within days of that meeting, Trump launched coordinated attacks with Israel against Iran.
The attack deeply embarrassed Pakistan. Some security experts suspected Pakistan of secretly collaborating with the US against Iran. They claimed Pakistan would provide bases to the US for attacks on Iran, but the reality turned out to be the opposite.
Iran responded by firing missiles at several Israeli cities. Many ordinary Pakistanis celebrated the Iranian missile attacks because they view Israel as a close ally of their enemy, India. Pakistanis also have a long history of emotional association with the Palestinian cause. Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, refused to recognise Israel in December 1947. Pakistan also sent its air force pilots to fight in the 1967 and 1973 wars between Israel and Arab states.
Pakistan decided to stand by Iran. The Pakistani government condemned the joint US-Israeli attack on Iran at all major international forums. This unconditional support helped remove the misunderstandings between Tehran and Islamabad that had surfaced in 2024. Pakistan, clearly, was walking a tightrope.
Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei asked President Masoud Pezeshkian to extend full support to Pakistan in its fight against Baloch separatists operating from hideouts in Iranian Balochistan. One Baloch separatist group openly supported the Israeli attack on Iran. The group seeks to carve out a Greater Balochistan from parts of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. That proved to be a blunder, as it united Pakistan and Iran against what they described as Israel-backed Baloch separatists. This was a major achievement for Pakistan, which had long suspected Iran of playing a double game. Pakistan shares more than 900 kilometres of border with Iran, and both countries agreed to work jointly to secure it.
Pakistan then struck a deal with the US in July 2025 for the development of oil reserves. Islamabad gave American companies access to projects in Balochistan, where Chinese companies were already present at Gwadar port, located roughly 600 kilometres from the Strait of Hormuz. This was not an easy decision for Pakistan. China is Pakistan’s largest creditor, with loans totalling nearly $29 billion, accounting for roughly 22 per cent of Pakistan’s total external debt. Beijing frequently rolls over these loans to help Pakistan manage its foreign exchange reserves and meet IMF targets. Pakistan could not afford to offend China. Islamabad, therefore, took Beijing into confidence regarding several of its deals with Washington.
The results became visible within days when the Trump administration unveiled a surprising tariff regime. Tariffs on Pakistani goods were slashed from 29 per cent to 19 per cent, while tariffs on Indian goods were doubled from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. This dramatic divergence between two nuclear-armed neighbours was more than a simple trade adjustment. Beyond oil, Pakistan also offered the US access to critical minerals essential for American defence industries and advanced technology sectors. In September 2025, US Strategic Metals signed an agreement with Pakistan army’s Frontier Works Organization for critical minerals production, mainly in Balochistan.
Pakistan also addressed American concerns about the extensive Chinese presence in Balochistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the flagship project of China’s Belt and Road Initiative linking Gwadar port to China’s Xinjiang region.
In September 2025, Pakistan signed a landmark Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement with Saudi Arabia, under which aggression against one country would be treated as aggression against both. Different interpretations emerged regarding the agreement. Pakistanis believed Saudi Arabia would support them in the event of an Indian attack, while the Saudis expected military backing from Pakistan in case of conflict with Iran.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was invited to attend the signing of a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas at the Sharm el-Sheikh peace summit in Egypt in October 2025. I was among the few journalists in Pakistan who opposed Sharif’s presence at the summit because I believed Israel would not respect the ceasefire with Hamas. I repeatedly warned that Israel and the US would attack Iran again, leaving Pakistan embarrassed once more. Trump publicly thanked Sharif and “my favourite Field Marshal”, Asim Munir, for their efforts in securing the peace deal with Hamas. Trump effectively revealed Pakistan’s emerging role in Middle Eastern diplomacy. Sharif again nominated Trump for the Nobel Prize and credited him with bringing peace to Gaza.
Then came January 2026. Pakistan used what some called “crypto diplomacy” to further strengthen ties with Trump. Islamabad signed an agreement with World Liberty Financial, the crypto business linked to Trump’s family. Both Sharif and Munir attended the signing ceremony in Islamabad alongside Zachary Witkoff, the 32-year-old son of Trump adviser Steve Witkoff and CEO of World Liberty Financial.
A few weeks later, Sharif was invited to the inaugural Board of Peace (an international organisation set up by Trump to promote world peace) meeting in Washington in February 2026. Trump once again praised Sharif and Munir, calling them “great people” and “tough leaders”. US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee later told conservative political commentator Tucker Carlson that it would be acceptable if Israel expanded its territory into areas often described as “Greater Israel”, stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates. The remarks alarmed Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, all of which feature in maps associated with the idea of Greater Israel.
Pakistan, meanwhile, quietly urged Trump to avoid another Venezuela-style adventure in Iran.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi then arrived in Israel on February 25 and addressed the country’s parliament. Trump himself had addressed the Knesset in October 2025. Alarm bells rang when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced an “iron alliance” dedicated to confronting Islamist extremism. The US and Israel attacked Iran a day after Modi concluded his visit to Israel. The attack itself was not unexpected, but Iran’s response certainly was. Tehran targeted major US bases across the Gulf. Pakistan suddenly found itself in an extremely difficult position because of its defence pact with Saudi Arabia.
Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar immediately contacted Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and reminded him of Pakistan’s defence agreement with Saudi Arabia. Araghchi assured Dar that Iran would not target Saudi territory if Saudi airspace was not used for attacks against Iran. Dar passed this message to Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan. Pakistan worked intensely to reduce tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran. China was also approached for emergency assistance. Beijing urged Iran to distinguish between friends and foes. Iran, enraged by the assassination of its supreme leader, remained highly aggressive.
Turkey also appealed to Iran not to attack Qatar because Ankara and Doha share a joint defence pact. Eventually, after sustained efforts by Pakistan and China, Iran reduced the number of attacks on Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Oman, but intensified strikes against the UAE, Kuwait and Bahrain. This unannounced Iranian concession towards Saudi Arabia was noticed by the UAE, which unexpectedly demanded immediate repayment of a $3.5 billion loan from Pakistan. Abu Dhabi wanted Islamabad to persuade Tehran to extend the same restraint towards the UAE, but Pakistan could not convince the Iranians. Pakistan eventually repaid the loan with Saudi assistance.
Meanwhile, the US-Israel alliance failed to achieve its military or political objectives in Iran. There was no regime change. Europe and the UK refused to join the campaign against Tehran. Trump also failed to sell his anti-Iran narrative to the American public. Iran’s continued control over the Strait of Hormuz became an embarrassment for Washington. After a month of setbacks, Trump reportedly asked Pakistan to help provide a face-saving exit through a ceasefire.
Pakistan formally began mediation efforts on March 29 with the support of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt. Initially, the Iranians refused to listen. They argued that Trump was a loser and that losers could not dictate terms to victors. Pakistan once again involved China. This time it worked. Sharif announced a ceasefire on April 8, and both sides agreed to meet in Islamabad on April 11.
When negotiations began, the Iranians surprised the Americans by showing flexibility on almost all issues except a ceasefire in Lebanon. When Trump learned that his delegation was close to a breakthrough, he reportedly pulled it back. Trump apparently wanted to personally sign the historic agreement himself, but the Iranians felt insulted. They began delaying the deal in order to demonstrate that the US was no longer the world’s unquestioned superpower and that Iran would not accept diktats.
Pakistan is now trying to find middle ground by offering face-saving opportunities to both sides. China, Saudi Arabia and Turkey are all helping Islamabad secure a durable agreement with Tehran. Such a deal could eventually pave the way for a new strategic bloc. Pakistan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Qatar are quietly building a broader security partnership. Pakistan and Saudi Arabia already share a defence pact, while Turkey and Qatar have a similar arrangement. The intention is to expand this cooperation by including Iran and Azerbaijan. Initial areas of cooperation are expected to include counter-terrorism, maritime security and defence industry collaboration. One undeclared objective would be to counter any plans associated with the idea of Greater Israel.
Pakistan cannot afford regime change in Iran. Many Pakistanis believe that a pro-Israel government in Tehran would support Baloch separatists. That is why Pakistan has reportedly persuaded Saudi Arabia and Turkey to include Iran in what some are calling a “New Islamic NATO” backed by China.
Hamid Mir is a Pakistani journalist who works for Geo News.