Asif Bin Ali
THE POLITICAL RESURGENCE of the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) marks a dramatic turn in the country’s political landscape, as it has reclaimed prominence following decades of suppression. The Jamaat, established by Abdul A’la Maududi, is the largest Islamist party in Bangladesh. After independence, it was banned by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman for the crimes committed during the Liberation War. The Jamaat re-entered politics in 1976.
The Jamaat has never achieved any remarkable electoral success in the 53 years of Bangladesh’s history and its highest point was getting a few cabinet positions in the BNP-led coalition government between 2001 and 2006. The party, however, remains one of the most discussed topics in the country’s political history.
The Jamaat faced an existential crisis after the Awami League’s landslide victory in the 2008 election. Courts convicted and executed most of its top leaders for war crimes between 2011 and 2016. The Awami League leadership portrayed the Jamaat as a “militant and terrorist” organisation and Hasina’s government used all state apparatus to curb its political activities. While the Jamaat’s complicity in the 1971 genocide is irrefutable, the Awami League’s heavy-handed tactics against it have bolstered its resilience and adaptability.
Abu Sadiq Kayem’s story is an example. An organiser of the student movement against Hasina, he announced himself as the president of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, the Jamaat’s student wing, in Dhaka University. Members of the Chhatra Shibir also infiltrated the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League. In the past four months, many of these infiltrators have publicly declared their political affiliation with the Jamaat.
Going underground has been Jamaat’s survival strategy. And it was the only reason it survived the full-blown pressure from the Hasina government and was able to return with significant power. Hasina’s use of state apparatus against the Jamaat was unconstitutional, which ultimately generated public sympathy in its favour.
Many analysts called Hasina’s rule a “hybrid regime”. It was marked by its authoritarian nature. Thousands of opposition party members were arrested, and there were gross violations of human rights. Moreover, the elections in 2014, 2018 and 2024 were said to be rigged. Hasina tightened her power by using the state and the party to silence opposition voices.
The Hasina government often grouped the Jamaat with militant organisations like Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami Bangladesh and Ansarullah Bangla Team despite the many key differences they have. Unlike these terrorist groups, the Jamaat operates as a political party aiming for power through elections. Leaders such as Dr Shafiqur Rahman, a former leftist, have presented a ‘liberal’ image and have expressed their readiness to engage with western, Chinese, and even Indian stakeholders. The Jamaat’s current leadership appears media friendly and open to alliances. However, only time will reveal how much of it translates into actions.
What makes the Jamaat politically relevant?
The Jamaat is relevant because it is probably the only Islamist political party that accepts Bangladesh’s democratic arrangement and has a strong organisation. In the past, it had negotiated with western allies when it suited its interests. It participated in the anti-Ershad movement in collaboration with the Awami League and other political parties, and joined the BNP in forming the government in 2001.
One of the Jamaat’s political characteristics is its flexibility and openness to negotiation with national and international stakeholders. This distinguishes it from other Islamist groups that are reluctant to accept a democratic setup and operate within it. Thus, the Jamaat has positioned itself as a strategically important political group. The meeting of the Chinese ambassador Yao Wen with Jamaat leaders highlights this party’s geopolitical importance.
During Hasina’s 15-year rule, the BNP led the anti-government movement, with the Jamaat as an ally. The coalition, however, has now broken down. They are now competing forces in Bangladesh’s political space. The BNP’s student wing, Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatradal, and Jamaat’s student wing, the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, are in conflict across university campuses. As the nation prepares for the next election, these conflicts will likely escalate.
Muhammad Yunus’s government has revoked the ban on the Jamaat and allowed the party to operate legally. It is unlikely that the Jamaat will achieve a significant victory in the upcoming election or form a government. However, it will probably be one of the main opposition parties. In terms of political power, it is a formidable force and will play an important role in the new political dimension of the country. As the Jamaat navigates its newfound role in Bangladesh’s shifting political landscape, the question remains: Can it shed its controversial past to secure a lasting place in Bangladesh’s political future?
Asif Bin Ali is a doctoral researcher at Georgia State University in the US.