Larger-than-life photographs of Indira and Rajiv Gandhi adorn the drawing room walls of Ghulam Nabi Azad’s official residence in Delhi. In the waiting room, copies of Congress Sandesh, the party’s official mouthpiece, are placed on coffee tables in neat little stacks.
For Azad, who recently quit the party after serving it for more than four decades, these are links to a time when his association with the Congress leadership was anything but problematic. His aides, it is learnt, asked him if he wanted the photos to be taken away. He angrily shot them down, saying, “They are not going anywhere. They are my mentors.”
Photographs of the current leadership, of course, are absent. For Azad, 73, his time in the Congress seems to be split in two—before and after Rahul Gandhi. And while he continues to recall his association with Indira, Rajiv and Sanjay Gandhi, and also Congress interim president Sonia Gandhi with fondness, the focal point of his criticism is Rahul.
Ironically, the Congress is now claiming that Azad’s stay in the house—filled with his links to the party—is a sign of his alleged proximity to the Narendra Modi regime. Azad is no longer a Rajya Sabha member, but he continues to stay in the official house. The Congress says this is a favour from the BJP.
Azad’s exit, party leaders say, was expected. The schism between him and the party leadership had only widened since he had written to Sonia, along with 22 other leaders, seeking reforms in the party and a full-time, visible leadership. This was seen as questioning the Gandhis’ authority and raising doubts about Rahul’s leadership.
The timing of Azad’s departure has discomfited the Congress, especially as the criticism—from someone once close to the Gandhis—comes when the party is about to embark on the Rahul-led Bharat Jodo Yatra and is also starting the process to elect its new president.
The Congress has hit back strongly, as it is felt that most of Azad’s resignation letter was aimed at vilifying Rahul. The party has claimed that Azad’s attacks on its leadership are remote-controlled by the BJP. It also alleged that his bitterness had a lot to do with him not getting renominated to the Rajya Sabha.
Responding to Azad’s grievances about being sidelined, a source close to Rahul claimed that he had phoned Azad many times when he visited the Union territory to keep him on board with the party’s plans. When it was conveyed to him that Azad was upset, Rahul is learnt to have asked Rajani Patil, the party’s Jammu and Kashmir in-charge, to talk to Azad and resolve his issues.
“The content [of Azad’s letter] is not factually correct and the timing is awful,” said party general secretary Jairam Ramesh. He also tweeted: “After such a long career, courtesy entirely the party he’s been tasked to slander, by giving interviews indiscriminately, Mr Azad diminishes himself further. What’s he afraid of that he’s justifying his treachery every minute? He can be easily exposed, but why stoop to his level?”
For Azad, the problems in the party began when Sonia started making way for Rahul. “His only agenda was that whoever is over 60 is not required,” he said.
Azad also told THE WEEK that personal humiliation was a big factor in his decision to quit. The last straw, he said, were the committees formed for Jammu and Kashmir recently. (See interview).
The Congress, however, insists that Azad was consulted on the formation of the committees. “Four meetings were held,” said a senior leader. “The last such meeting was held on July 14. Ghulam Nabi Azad gave four names for the post of PCC president. He said the names were not given in any particular order, and any one of them could be chosen.”
As for the road ahead, Azad will soon launch a party in Jammu and Kashmir. He will address a public rally in Jammu on September 4, which will clash with a Congress rally on price rise featuring top leaders.
Azad claimed that 95 per cent of the Congress in Jammu and Kashmir was with him, and also rubbished speculation that he would join hands with the BJP. Leaders in the Azad camp, however, admitted that it would be challenging for him to make a fresh start in Jammu and Kashmir, even though he would project himself as a bridge between the valley and Jammu.
“It is never easy to start a new party,” said a leader close to Azad. “It is not just about leaders. You need boots on the ground and infrastructure. Also, it is stupid to say that we can have a tie-up with the BJP. We cannot help the BJP get Hindu votes. If we join hands with the BJP, we will lose Muslim votes.”
Azad has left the Congress. But moving on is another thing.