At 79, Anita Bose Pfaff keeps in touch with every development in India, especially those in connection with her father Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s legacy. She is thrilled that his hologram statue has been installed at India Gate. In a video interview from her home in Stadtbergen, Germany, Pfaff speaks with THE WEEK on what Netaji’s real legacy is.
Q/ How does it feel to have your father’s birth anniversary recognised as Parakram Divas (Day of Valour)?
A/ I am very pleased that Netaji’s statue was installed at India Gate. It befits him. Modern technology has allowed a quick installation by a hologram, it is very appropriate. The only other person who could be considered for this honour is Mahatma Gandhi.
It feels very nice to know that my father is remembered by his people so long after he was around. I also feel good that so many common people remember him. I only hope they will also remember him for the ideals he stood for.
Q/ Which are those ideals?
A/ Three strike me, mainly because they are still an issue. One is communal harmony. I am quite distressed when I hear of communal conflict in India. The second is that India has a bad reputation as a country of great violence against women. Netaji was a champion of gender equality, he was far more modern than many people today. The third is the emancipation and empowerment of disadvantaged people, both lower-caste groups and people with low education.
Q/ Do you feel Netaji’s legacy is being politicised?
A/ It is quite unnecessary that celebrating the birth anniversary of someone who has been dead for so long should cause arguments. It is rather petty. There was this controversy of the West Bengal government’s tableau on freedom fighters not being allowed. Then it turned out there was a tableau the Central government had on him and it struck me as a bit of a last-minute thing—they were surprised by the Bengal tableau and thought they had to do something and came up with what could be done at short notice.
It would make more sense to cooperate in honouring him, but if they cannot agree to cooperate, then let them compete. It is better to compete in honouring him than not honouring him at all.
Q/ Were you invited to the Parakram Divas event in Delhi, would you have not liked to attend?
A/ I was not invited. Though I would have liked to attend, it would not have been possible because of the Covid-19 situation. I wanted to visit last year for my father’s 125th [birth] anniversary, but the pandemic did not allow that.
It is not surprising I was not invited, because things are not that well-organised in India. At the time of my father’s [birth] centenary celebrations, I was keen to visit. But the invitation came just three days before the event, and I could not organise my travel at such short notice.
But I was invited to a dinner by the Indian ambassador to Germany. I went with my daughter, grandson and his wife.
Q/ How do you reconcile with the uncomfortable parts of your father’s legacy?
A/ His association with Adolf Hitler is one reason why some people are hesitant to recognise his contributions, even today. I live in Germany. I have lived with these confrontations with history in a direct way. In many families, the young question the actions of their parents and grandparents. Many are upset to know their grandparents were involved in the Nazi movement. But if there’s a war and people are called up to fight, it is not a matter of choice—you were shot if you did not go.
Netaji, however, was not a fascist. Ask yourself, if he wanted to get support for India’s freedom, where could he have turned to except to countries that were at war with Britain. The first choice was the Soviet Union which I would consider just as horrible as Germany in terms of ideas and practices. But they were not willing to support India. Anyway, after the German invasion, they ended up on Britain’s side of the conflict. The Soviet Union was a much more dangerous candidate because there was a greater vicinity and we learnt later about a secret Hitler-Stalin pact to grant control of India to the Soviet Union. It was a very difficult situation, and only Germany, Italy and Japan could possibly be willing to work with India against the British. What were the alternatives? He was not like the rest of the Congress leadership. They made pacts of collaborating with Britain’s war efforts in return for freedom, but collaborating with the British was not in my father’s makeup.
Q/ The controversies over Netaji’s death linger. You were keen to pursue the DNA analysis of the ashes kept at the Renko-ji temple in Japan.
A/ Yes, I believe that a DNA analysis of the ashes should be done. In the past, there was hesitation, but now everyone in my family has agreed that there should be a DNA test. My older son is pressing me to get this closure, he says he does not want to inherit the controversy. If the DNA outcome turns out as I expect it to, then the rational people who have been denying the fact [that Netaji died in a plane crash in 1945] should be convinced. I was keen to visit India and meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi in this regard. I understand that the decision will require the consensus of the Indian and Japanese governments; I believe the temple was willing to hand over the ashes. The pandemic made travel difficult. But it opened up the possibility of virtual meets, maybe I should pursue that channel.
Q/ How has it been to learn about your father from other sources?
A/ It was difficult, but in my generation, there were many fatherless children, as World War II had killed so many men. In my case, my father was also a public figure. I do remember wanting my father to come back. As I grew up, it became less relevant because you then begin to define your life not just with relation to your parents.
My children and grandchildren are proud of being Netaji’s descendants, they try to learn and read and talk about him. The advantage of living away from India is that we were able to live our own lives, and not be in the reflected glory of Netaji.
