Lieutenant General Manoj Mukund Naravane, who assumes charge as the vice chief of Army staff on August 31, is likely to become chief of Army staff when General Bipin Rawat retires on December 30.
Known as the Army's northeast specialist, Naravane has commanded the Assam Rifles as well as the Rashtriya Rifles battalion in Jammu and Kashmir, and played a key role in discussions on confidence building measures with the People's Liberation Army of China following the 2017 China-India border standoff at Doklam, where Indian troops had stopped Chinese troops from extending a road towards the Bhutan border. The eastern Army commander has also been actively involved in the plans for restructuring the Army.
Excerpts from an exclusive interview:
How many insurgent camps exist in Myanmar?
There are no definitive figures. The camps could be semi-permanent structures made of bamboo, to temporary locations where a few plastic sheets are tied together between trees. The temporary camps are generally transient in nature, and depending on the ground situation, shift from one location to another. Though we have adequate information on the semi-permanent camps, information on the transient camps is less forthcoming. In many instances, camps are clustered together, with each cluster belonging to different factions. It is our endeavour to keep a real time track of all these camps.
The Myanmar army is driving insurgent groups out of its territory. Does this augur well for India?
Myanmar is a sovereign country which understands its security imperatives. National security interests of India and Myanmar converge as far as insurgent groups are concerned. These groups have abandoned their ideologies in favour of activities like drug smuggling, human trafficking, and other transborder crimes, which have become their mainstay for funding of subversive activities. Hence, it is in the interest of both countries to work together, not only to stop insurgent activities, but also to ensure that transborder crimes are not committed, thereby choking their sources of funding.
Action by the Myanmar army against insurgent groups operating on its territory has always been an imperative for India. The recent action augurs well for us as it has left the groups unsettled and on the run. Meanwhile, the Myanmar government is trying to get all the groups to sign the National Ceasefire Agreement, which would enable us to simultaneously negotiate with the breakaway factions. This will assist both nations in our quest for overall peace and stability of the region.
Are the Indian and Myanmar armies taking coordinated action against insurgent camps?
A major milestone in bilateral defence cooperation was achieved when the two countries recently agreed to conduct coordinated operations to flush out insurgents operating on either side of the border. Accordingly, in February 2019, the Myanmar army undertook search and destroy operations against insurgent camps on its side of the border, while Indian troops were deployed in a manner that ensured blocking of escape and ingress routes into our territory. The coordinated operations have functionally dislocated the insurgent groups; they are currently in a state of disarray and we are witnessing a large number of surrenders. Such coordinated operations by the two armies are likely to continue, based on mutual agreement, in order to ensure peace and development along the border.
Is it true that insurgent groups in Myanmar are inciting civil society organisations (CSOs) in the northeast to protest against the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Bill?
The CSOs need to understand that they are being exploited. They must question the activities of these groups, and check if they have benefited the local population. These groups indulge in extortion, smuggling, narcotics trade, and other illegal activities on the pretext of development and promoting their causes, while, on the ground, they are giving nothing back to society or to the people they claim to represent.
Despite Myanmar’s crackdown, isn't the United Liberation Front of Asom-Independent (ULFA-I) inching closer to the China-Myanmar border, where its leader Paresh Baruah is being sheltered?
ULFA-I has lost the support of its people for the petty gains of its leaders like Paresh Baruah and Abhijit Asom. These leaders are living abroad in opulence at the expense of the organisation, and on extortion money. I appeal to those who have been lured into the ranks of ULFA-I to return home to their families. The Eastern Command will provide whatever assistance is required to get them back safely. The aspirations of the Assamese people have to be met through dialogue and not by shedding blood.
The Coordination Committee (CorCom) is active in Manipur and continues to defy the Myanmar army. Is the Eastern Command equipped to deal with the group's aggression?
The Eastern Command is fully prepared to take on any security challenge. Groups like CorCom should realise that dialogue is the only way forward, and that the days of armed struggle are over. Over the years, various insurgent groups in the northeast have formed similar umbrella organisations, but they have never had any significant impact whatsoever, as the constituent groups have divergent ideologies. The insurgent groups need to shun violence and join the mainstream.
There are reports that Rohingya refugees are sneaking into India through the northeastern borders. Are they being stopped and sent back?
The Assam Rifles deployed at the border is alive to the problem and is taking adequate steps to intercept the transgressing Rohingyas, in conjunction with the civil administration, the police and other agencies.
How is the Army dealing with the PLA’s repeated attempts to infiltrate Indian territory?
Consequent to the 2018 Wuhan Summit [where Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping met 'informally'], strategic guidelines were issued to the armed forces of both countries to facilitate better management of our borders. This, in turn, has translated into enhanced military-to-military exchanges between both armies. A series of hand-in-hand exercises resumed last year. There have been bilateral exchanges in the form of visits by senior and mid-level military officers, which have been fruitful in bridging the existing perception gaps.
But even after that tension remains across LAC.
I would say that it's not a hot LAC, as there is no firing and we generally avoid face-offs. If any transgression occurs, we ensure that they go back. For resolution of boundary disputes, it was decided that settled population on either side of the border would not be disturbed. As such, we don't want to displace the population already settled on the border. It is important to note that China also understands that stability along the border is mutually beneficial to both the countries. We are ready to reciprocate to all positive steps, provided it serves mutual interests. So, you see, forward movement is happening (smiles).
Call of duty: Lt Gen Naravane reviews the security situation and operational preparedness on the border in Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh | PTI
According to figures given in Parliament, there had been 273 Chinese transgressions into India in 2016. In 2017, the number almost doubled. The number remains almost the same in 2018 and Arunachal Pradesh became the hot spot of such transgressions. Why is it so? What are the measures being taken to check this?
I have already given the answer to this earlier. However, let me add that the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Eastern Sector extends over 1,346 km of which 1,126 km exists as the boundary with Tibet region of China in Arunachal Pradesh. There are perceptional differences on the alignment of the LAC. In 2018, while the number of interactions between Indian and Chinese troops were comparable, these meetings were cordial and as per established patterns. To address the perceptional differences, as well as raise concerns on specific issues related to observed activities, established mechanisms like border personnel meetings/ flag meetings and hot line exchange exist between ground holding troops. These mechanisms allow for formal interaction between the forces and manage any emerging issue in an atmosphere of peace and understanding.
China is undertaking multiple development projects in Tibet, near Arunachal Pradesh. Intelligence reports suggest heavy deployment of Chinese troops along these roads. How is the Army responding?
China has been focusing on the creation of infrastructure in the Tibet Autonomous Region. The development projects include improvement of road networks, billeting capacities, model villages, airports and railways. These developments inherently have a dual utility and hence contribute towards the capability to prosecute military operations, if required. Concerns regarding the pace of these developments in close proximity of the LAC have been raised at the appropriate military, political and diplomatic levels.
The Chinese government always voices concern when Indian dignitaries visit Arunachal Pradesh, which it considers to be South Tibet. How do senior Army officials positioned at the border react to this?
The Border Personnel Meetings (BPMs) are essentially held to deal with local issues at tactical levels. This point is beyond the purview of BPMs and we do not entertain such objections, even if they are attempted to be raised by the PLA. The issues of political objections on visits by senior dignitaries to Arunachal Pradesh are dealt with at the highest political and diplomatic levels. On our part, we are well poised to meet challenges in the military domain. It is always communicated to the Chinese side that both countries should abide by the spirit conveyed by the political leadership at the Wuhan Summit.
How is India dealing with the PLA troops in Doklam?
The present situation in Doklam is stable and the Chinese are where they were before the standoff. However, both sides have continuously improved their infrastructure and habitat. Post the standoff, activities of the PLA, and the general situation in the area, are being closely monitored. We are well prepared for any eventuality.
Can you specify the CBMs between the PLA and the Army?
Military delegation visits, joint training exercises and meetings between senior commanders deployed at the LAC have been held. Sports is a great enabler for bonhomie, thus we have started playing games with the Chinese troops at the border. Both sides realise the need to maintain peace and tranquillity to facilitate the evolution of appropriate solutions to the boundary issue in the political domain.
Why did General Rawat recently state that the focus of the Army should be shifted from the western to the northern border?
The statement should be seen in the backdrop of the overall strategic environment and the primary role of the Army, which is to guard the nation against any external aggression. Capability building along the northern borders, both in terms of infrastructure development and force modernisation, remains the key tenet of all our endeavours, and is an ongoing effort.
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) continues to terrorise people. What role does the Army play in curbing its activities?
Extortion and other illegal activities by the NSCN-IM continue unabated in Nagaland, parts of Manipur and south Arunachal Pradesh. In remote areas, the local populace has little choice but to comply, when faced with a gang brandishing weapons. Ideology has taken a back seat. To address this issue, synergistic actions by all agencies of the state administration are imperative, along with the cooperation of the general public through CSOs like Against Corruption and Unabated Taxation. The Army and the Assam Rifles continue to provide security and apprehend individuals indulging in illegal activities, in order to provide a stable environment.
How much damage has the Army inflicted on northeastern insurgent forces?
The insurgency situation in the hinterland is stable, with all indices of violence gradually transcending into the law and order domain. The situation from the perspective of kinetic operations is stable. However, the issues and the causative factors for the ongoing insurgency movements are complex and dynamic. The role of the Army is to provide a conducive security environment for good governance to manifest.
Why did the Assam Rifles recently add outposts in the northeast?
The primary mandate of the Assam Rifles is border guarding. However, due to the intensive counter-insurgency requirement, a fair portion of the Assam Rifles was deployed in the hinterland. Now, with an improvement in the situation, the focus has shifted again to the role of border guarding.
As the demand for the withdrawal of the 1958 Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) gathers steam, will the Assam Rifles get additional powers and responsibilities in case the act is withdrawn?
AFSPA is an enabling provision for the Army and the Assam Rifles to operate in a government-designated 'Disturbed Area'. If AFSPA is withdrawn, then the law and order situation needs to improve so that the state is no longer designated as a 'Disturbed Area'.
There are major plans afoot for the restructuring of the Army. Can you outline them?
All organisations must go through metamorphosis to keep up with changing times; so is the case with the Army. Only then will we remain relevant and prepared to meet future challenges. Four major studies were undertaken in this regard.
The first study, 'Reorganisation of Army headquarters', aims at enhancing functional efficiency, reducing duplication and decision time, and better aligning of decision verticals. This will help the Army prepare for the future battlefield, while ensuring more judicious utilisation of allocated budgets. The study has aligned old legacy branches of Army Headquarters under functional requirements of the future battlefield. Thus, around 20 per cent of officers currently posted at various headquarters will be relocated to units and formations of the field armies.
The second study, 'Cadre review of officers', is aimed at incorporating the proposed reorganisation, restructuring and endeavours, to meet the aspirations of the officers cadre. Apart from downsizing, the review will cover an assessment of the Army's future needs, career progression of officers, deficiency of officers in units, career management, provisions related to premature retirement, and improving the efficiency and morale of officers. This study also examines the possibility of bypassing the rank of brigadier, to ensure smoother career progression. Ranks exist for operational reasons, not for sentimentality. In the 1980s, officers went from lieutenant colonel to brigadier, without the intermediate rank of colonel. Why can't we go from colonel to major general now?
The third study, 'Reorganisation and rightsizing of the Army', focuses on operational structures to make them efficient and future ready, by taking into account the operational situation on our western and northern borders. The world over, the trend is toward leaner and more agile battle groups. It also looks at making certain changes in manning levels, without compromising on operational effectiveness.
The fourth study, 'Review of terms of engagement, colour service and minimum service for pension of junior commissioned officers and other ranks', has been undertaken with an intent to best match functional requirements of the organisation with individual aspirations.
A number of retired and serving Army personnel have been excluded from the National Register of Citizens. Will the Army intervene?
Serving and retired individuals of the Army will be given organisational assistance, as per service norms. Being a legal issue, there might be time delays, but I assure you that as an organisation, we are for our fraternity and will do the best possible for them.