‘There is no caste-centric politics in Bihar’: Prashant Kishor

Interview/ Prashant Kishor, founder, Jan Suraaj party

Q. How big is the Jan Suraaj right now?

A. The Jan Suraaj is not owned by me or any other individual. This is a political formation where [millions] have come together. It is the result of a journey of more than two years, which I undertook on foot, covering more than 5,000 villages. I tried to explain to people the reasons behind their miseries and what the way out could be. Once people heard it and pondered over it, they decided to come together and form the Jan Suraaj, which was formally founded on October 2, 2024.

Today, the Jan Suraaj is the largest political formation in Bihar. The closest competitor is the BJP, which claims to have roughly 70 lakh members in the state. The Jan Suraaj already has 1.25 crore members, founding and primary. Every month, three to four lakh people pay the membership fee and become part of the organisation. Those who genuinely want to change Bihar have come together to build this party.

Q. What are the key elements unique to your party?

A. The very idea of a political party being formed by the masses and not by an individual, a family or a set of self-proclaimed smart guys is unique in itself. The way the Jan Suraaj has been formed is different. Secondly, we are not believers in andolans or revolutions. For us, it is a slow grind. Until there is self-realisation in society, there can be no fundamental change in politics—no matter how good your political formation. This is something I have understood over the last 12 years of working with multiple parties.

Q. You have been talking about poverty, migration and lack of education and health care. Does it bother you and keep you up at night?

A. What keeps me up at night is not just these specific issues. What keeps me up is the realisation that people like us—who were born here, who studied in Bihar’s government schools, who came from humble backgrounds—have achieved everything in life: name, money, success. Yet, Bihar remains the poorest, least educated, most unemployed state—a labour factory for the rest of India. That is what keeps me awake, that how come all of us didn’t realise this sooner? Now that the realisation has come, I have taken the plunge. I am not alone. Millions of people are lending a helping hand. This is not Prashant Kishor’s battle alone. I am doing my bit. Every right-minded person from this land must take responsibility to give something back to society. Because if we don’t do it, nobody else will.

Q. Do you think when people go out to vote, they still say, ‘hamare vote se kya hoga [what difference will my vote make]’?

A. People always say that, but it is one of the biggest [misconceptions] floated by journalists and analysts. In fact, I would say it is an elitist view to think people don’t understand just because they are not literate or are poor. People do want change. They want education. They don’t want to suffer. The problem is: do they have credible options? If they do, sooner or later they will figure it out. They will believe in it. And they will vote for it.

Q. Will you be able to shake up the caste-centric politics of Bihar?

A. There is no caste-centric politics in Bihar; at least it is not any different from other parts of India. People are divided along caste and religious lines everywhere. In Gujarat, don’t we talk about Patels, Kshatriyas, adivasis and Muslims? In Karnataka, aren’t Lingayats and Vokkaligas part of the political conversation? In Andhra, isn’t politics discussed around Kammas, Kapus and Reddys? Why do people single out Bihar? It is a preconceived notion among many in India, even among some in Bihar.

Look at the BJP’s performance in the last 15 years. What is getting them votes? I bet my neck that most people would say it is the popularity of Modi. Now, ask how many people from Modi’s caste actually live in Bihar? These two things cannot be true together. That clearly proves that caste is not the only factor. It is one of the factors, not the only one.

Q. Your speeches give a sense that you are trying to rewrite people’s memory.

A. I am just trying to awaken people’s conscience—to make them realise that what is there in their subconscious mind has to come to the front. They should have access to education and employment. That doesn’t require Prashant Kishor. People shouldn’t have to go to Kashmir to dig tunnels or to Saurashtra to work as labourers—it is already there in their subconscious mind; but over time, they have come to accept it as their destiny. I am trying to make them realise they can do all of this in Bihar. If people in Karnataka can do manual labour in their state, why can’t Biharis do the same in Bihar? Corruption and poverty exist in those states, too. But there are also opportunities and jobs paying Rs12,000 in these states. Why can’t these be created in Bihar?

Q. Do you think community pressure can reduce your chances of getting mass votes?

A. In any state, let’s say 100 people voted for someone. Does that mean there is no room for another party? In most states, new parties come and take their place under the sun.

Q. Your critics say whichever state you have worked in, the BJP has either made inroads or significantly expanded.

A. My father used to say: those who do nothing are the first to criticise. Let them look at the facts. I worked on just two elections with the BJP—in 2012 [Gujarat assembly polls] and in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. But after that, state after state, I have worked with parties that contested against the BJP, and we defeated them (BJP). In 2015, I helped Nitish Kumar form the Mahagathbandhan. Then came the Congress and Amarinder Singh in Punjab. In Andhra, we defeated the TDP-BJP alliance. Then came Telangana, Maharashtra, Delhi, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Every party that defeated the BJP in those states had my involvement. The record speaks for itself.

Q. Do you think a failure can dent your image or prospects?

A. I have won not because I am some wonder kid. It is because of two things: we are fearless, and we work with honesty and full commitment. I am not afraid of failure. I put in everything—sincerity and devotion. Whether it is the Gita or the Quran, every belief system says if you do your work with honesty, no one can stop you from succeeding.

Look at what we are doing in Bihar. After Bengal in 2021, I said I would chart a new path. I left behind everything—comfort, family, lifestyle. For nearly three and a half years now, I have dedicated my life to this. For two years, I have been walking across Bihar’s villages. I did nothing else. Usually when results come, people say, “He gets things done.” But no, things don’t come easy. You have to struggle. And when you do, the whole universe helps you. In November, we will write history. A political experiment like this will not just secure votes but win Bihar and mark a new journey in the country’s political history.

Q. What are the three biggest structural reforms Bihar needs urgently? And, how will your party achieve them if it comes to power?

A. First, massive investment in primary education. Second, provide cheap capital in the hands of the youth to encourage self-employment. Third, support the 1.25 crore elderly people, so that they can live in dignity.

In the Jan Suraaj, our vision is clear: provide world-class education for those below 15, equip those between 15 and 55 with opportunities and resources to become self-reliant, and take care of those above 60 so that they don’t suffer in the final phase of life.

Q. What are the three most tangible results from your yatra?

A. First, it helped me and hundreds of thousands of others understand the miseries people face, and more importantly, what we can do to overcome them. Second, it brought people together who now believe in what we are trying to do. Third, it created pressure on the political system. For instance, for the last 20 years, people aged 60+ and widows were receiving Rs400 per month as pension—there was not a single rupee increase. But after our two-year persistent campaign, the government raised it to Rs1,100. That is still not enough. We will raise it to Rs2,000. Even before the Jan Suraaj wins a single vote or seat, we have brought about change.

Q. What would be on your ‘guarantee card’ for Bihar?

A. I used the word ‘guarantee’ ahead of the 2020 Delhi assembly elections. ‘Kejriwal ki Guarantee’—that idea came from us. What matters is the intent and preparation behind it. Take the Congress in Bihar—a party with a legacy but it will contest fewer than 40 seats. It will not be in any position to influence governance, yet it has advertised Rs2,500 for every woman. Do the math. Bihar has six crore women. Even if we exclude children and take 4.5 crore adult women, and multiply that by Rs2,500 per month—that is Rs1.5 lakh crore a year. Bihar’s total budget is not that much. How can the Congress promise this?... Rahul Gandhi, who hasn’t spent a single night in Bihar, comes and preaches to 13 crore Biharis. These are the same people who sit in Delhi and laugh at us. Ask [P.] Chidambaram, their economist, to explain how this will work. If he cannot, he should apologise or ask his party to withdraw this kind of misleading campaign.

Q. You won’t opt for an alliance? Not even a post-poll one?

A. We have already stitched up an alliance with the people, with those who want a new journey and a new future for Bihar. As for political alliances, write this down: neither before elections nor after; not in 2025, nor in 2029. The Jan Suraaj has never been in an alliance, and it never will be, period!