'Heaven is a myth, Nepal is real'. However, it is tragic to see the recent developments that have shattered this reality. The nation today is plagued with political instability, endemic corruption and economic fragility.
Thirteen governments have been sworn in during the last seventeen years! A simmering volcano of discontent among the youth erupted on 8th of September over misgovernance: widespread corruption, alarming rate of youth unemployment (20.8 per cent), nepotism (Nepo kids – a term implying privileged youth), and the shamelessly lavish lifestyles of the elite.
The spark was lit when the government imposed a ban on 26 social media sites like Facebook, WhatsApp and YouTube. Spontaneously, thousands of protesting youth converged on the streets of Kathmandu and rushed towards the parliament house, breaking barricades. The police fired tear gas and used water cannons to no avail. Eventually, they had to resort to firing to disperse the crowd, resulting in the death of 51 protesters and over 800 were injured. The ban on social media sites was then revoked on 9th September, but it was too late. This marked the bloodiest day in democratic Nepal's history over two decades.
As a result, the undeterred youth revolted and overwhelmed the police force. They set fire to the parliament house, the Supreme Court and the Sangha Durbar (the government headquarters). As the police was unable to control the situation, the arsonists then targeted the houses of prominent political leaders and burnt them to ashes. This included the residence of the prime minister, and the private house of the president too. Besides this, the houses of some business tycoons were looted and set on fire. Many political leaders were lynched or beaten up. Most of these leaders sought refuge and are ensconced in the army cantonment in Nepal. Almost 1,500 prisoners in Nakkhu jail walked out due to the confusion when the protesters demanded the release of Rabi Lamichane, the former deputy prime minister.
Taking responsibility for the state of affairs and the loss of innocent lives and destruction of property, the prime minister tendered his resignation. Soon, many of his cabinet ministers also resigned. Thus, the government has become more or less defunct. This macabre scene reflected utter chaos and lawlessness. Moreover, these manifestations spread like wildfire and similar protests took place in other towns of Nepal, such as Pokhra, Bhairwah, Bharatpur and Itahari. In these towns also the government offices and lower courts and offices of the Communist Party and Nepali Congress were raided in all 77 districts of Nepal. Some houses of the elite were looted and torched, and many prisoners in jail were set free. In all, it is estimated that around 13,000 prisoners have escaped from the jails across Nepal.
Under these compelling circumstances, Nepal's Army was asked to take charge of the law and order of the country on 9th of September. A curfew was declared and accordingly, the army was deployed at various sensitive locations in Kathmandu and other towns. According to a retired former Nepal army chief, “the Army did not take the initiative, but the responsibility fell on it”. Law and order has been largely restored now except certain isolated incidents. The Army Chief, General Ashok Raj Sigdel, a distinguished soldier, addressed the nation and appealed for calm and peace and promised that a dialogue will be held with all stakeholders soon. On the wall behind him, there was a portrait of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who unified Nepal and is revered in the Nepal Army. A poll by students demanded the dissolution of the Parliament and the evolution of a new Constitution, as they were frustrated with the existing system of governance. The youth are asking for “real change”.
The situation in Nepal now is very delicate. There is thus an immediate need to fill the political vacuum. Hence, the Army is looking at an interim government led by a competent person with impeccable credentials who would be acceptable to the youth leaders and the people. The youth do not want any old politicians, no matter which party they belong to. The most likely candidate appears to be Sushila Karki, the first woman chief justice of Nepal, who is an anti-corruption crusader. The army chief has prevailed upon her to accept the position of chief executive of the interim government, subject to the approval of other stakeholders.
The other names doing the rounds are the popular mayor of Kathmandu, Balendra Shah, who is an acclaimed rapper too. Sudan Gurung, who runs an NGO called Hami Nepal (We are Nepal) and represents the architecture of Nepal's Gen-Z, is another contender. Also in the running is Kulman Ghising, who restored order in Nepal's energy sector as the Managing Director of Nepal Electricity Authority. However, of late, there has been infighting and clashes among sections of Gen-Z regarding the choice of the head of the interim government. Unanimity among various stakeholders shall be a challenge for the Army.
Nepal, a landlocked state, has two large Asian powers as its neighbours, India and China. It is compelled to do a tightrope walk and balance its relations with both. Until China's road and rail connectivity is in place, Nepal is dependent on India for its access to ports and is a large trading partner. The Chinese position was stated by the foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian: “China hopes that the various sectors in Nepal will approach the domestic issues properly and restore social order and national stability soon”.
India and Nepal have centuries-old historical, cultural, religious and economic ties with open borders and free movement. A stable Nepal is of great importance to us. In the present circumstances, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called for restraint, and he has articulated that “the violence is heart-rending and Nepal's stability matters hugely”. We should not be seen to be taking sides, and when the interim government is formed by popular consent, we should support it. It is essential for us to maintain vigilance at the border to prevent any spillover of protesting groups.
The author is former chief of army staff. The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of THE WEEK.