Iran's new strongman: How Ahmad Vahidi rose to unprecedented power

Few figures in modern Iranian history have accumulated power as swiftly or as decisively as Ahmad Vahidi. In the turbulent aftermath of Iran's conflict with the United States and Israel, the 67-year-old head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has emerged as the country's most consequential decision-maker, a man whose authority now reaches well beyond his formal title.

The contrast with Iran's nominal leadership could scarcely be more striking. Mojtaba Khamenei, who assumed the role of Supreme Leader following the conflict, operates under severe constraints. He remains under constant medical supervision and, by most accounts, relies heavily on senior IRGC commanders for guidance on critical matters of state. In practice, it is Vahidi and a tight circle of hardline generals who set the direction of travel.

Vahidi's convictions are well established and show little sign of softening. He continues to advocate firmly for Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz and the preservation of the country's nuclear programme and regards negotiations with the United States as offering little strategic value at this moment. A member of the first generation of post-revolutionary elites, he prioritises ideological rigidity and military strength over economic recovery, a stance that sits uneasily with a population bearing the costs of prolonged conflict and international isolation.

Many analysts argue that Vahidi has managed to eclipse the civilian administration and even the formal authority of the Supreme Leader. Informal networks anchored in the IRGC command structure clearly have a major say in all key decisions. President Masoud Pezeshkian is running the risk of getting sidelined, as key decisions are concentrated in the hands of the IRGC leadership. Even parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, despite his IRGC pedigree, is finding it hard to resist Vahidi's influence. And Vahidi’s position is getting further entrenched as he is among the very few officials granted direct access to Mojtaba.

Vahidi seems to be running the IRGC like a hybrid entity encompassing intelligence, economic and political power. For all practical purposes, it is operating as a parallel state structure. Central to its durability is the so-called "mosaic defence doctrine", a decentralised model that enables autonomous units to continue operating even in the event of leadership losses. It has allowed Vahidi to maintain operational continuity while consolidating strategic control.

His career offers some explanation for this methodical accumulation of power. A founding member of the IRGC following the Iranian Revolution, Vahidi rose steadily through the ranks during the 1980s. Long before the prominence of Qassem Soleimani, he played a central role in shaping Iran's external operations as commander of the Quds Force from 1988 to around 1998, during which time he cultivated ties with militant groups in Lebanon and contributed to the development of Hezbollah. Western governments and investigators have linked him to several major attacks, including the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community centre in Buenos Aires, for which he remains wanted by Interpol, and the 1992 Israeli embassy bombing in Argentina. He later served as defence minister under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and as interior minister under Ebrahim Raisi, in which capacity he oversaw the crackdown on protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022.

His ascent to his current position of preeminence followed the dramatic decapitation of Iran's senior leadership during the recent war. In December 2025, the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed Vahidi as deputy chief of the IRGC and tasked him with preparing for potential conflict. Following the deaths of both Khamenei and senior IRGC commander Mohammad Pakpour in the US-Israeli attacks, Vahidi has swiftly filled the vacuum, consolidating authority with a thoroughness that left little room for rivals.

Vahidi approaches  diplomacy through the same uncompromising angle. His influence was evident in the strict enforcement of hardline positions during the Islamabad talks. When Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi signalled limited flexibility on nuclear enrichment, IRGC-aligned officials reportedly intervened, and Araghchi found himself marginalised.  IRGC attacks on commercial shipping in the past couple of days demonstrate Vahidi's willingness to escalate when he judges it necessary.

On the core issues, he is unlikely to yield much ground: Iran's missile capabilities, its regional alliances and uranium enrichment all appear non-negotiable under his stewardship. Donald Trump, who is widely understood to be seeking a face-saving exit from a conflict that is going badly, will find in Vahidi a counterpart with little appetite to provide one.