Inside Trump's Gaza Plan: Kushner, Blair to join US-dominated 'Board of Peace'

President Donald Trump has unveiled a new governing structure for post-war Gaza that marks one of the most ambitious interventions of his presidency. The initiative centres on the creation of a body he has called the “Board of Peace” – a committee chaired by Trump himself and composed largely of senior American officials and close allies, including his son-in-law Jared Kushner. Backed by a United Nations mandate, the board is designed to oversee the occupation, demilitarisation and reconstruction of the Gaza Strip during what officials describe as a years-long transition.

The move formalises Phase Two of a 20-point peace plan Trump negotiated in the fall, following the ceasefire that ended the most destructive phase of the Gaza war. Under the plan, Gaza would be governed through a layered system of international oversight, technocratic Palestinian administration and a US-led military presence tasked with enforcing security and dismantling Hamas’s armed capabilities. The architecture reflects Trump’s conviction that the territory’s recovery requires both tight external control and large-scale international investment, even at the cost of sidelining traditional political processes.

The composition of the Board of Peace underscores how closely held the project is within Trump’s inner circle. Sitting with Trump are Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff and National Security Adviser Robert Gabriel. They are joined by Kushner, World Bank president Ajay Banga, billionaire investor Marc Rowan, a longtime Trump ally, and former British prime minister Tony Blair. Of the seven members, only Blair is not American. He brings experience as the former Middle East envoy for the Quartet, though his past role in the Iraq war and years as a roving adviser in the region have made him a divisive figure.

The prominence of Americans on what had earlier been described as an international supervisory body has raised eyebrows in diplomatic circles. Initial discussions had envisaged a council of world leaders sharing responsibility for Gaza’s future. Instead, the final arrangement places decisive authority in Washington, with Trump as both architect and chairman. While the White House says it is essential to avoid policy paralysis and ensure rapid decision-making, critics feel it keeps Palestinians largely excluded from shaping their own political destiny.

Beneath the Board of Peace sits a secondary body known as the Gaza Executive Board, intended to coordinate regional and multilateral involvement. This group includes senior figures from Turkey, Egypt, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, alongside the UN’s humanitarian coordinator Sigrid Kaag. Acting as the bridge between these international bodies and Gaza itself is Nickolay Mladenov, the former UN Middle East envoy, appointed as High Representative to liaise with local administrators and manage day-to-day coordination.

On the ground, governance is meant to be carried out by a newly formed National Committee for the Administration of Gaza. Led by Ali Shaath, a former deputy minister in the Palestinian Authority, the 15-member committee is described by the White House as a technocratic body of “pragmatic professionals”, which will look at restoring basic services. The plan is to depoliticise reconstruction and focus on functionality by sidelining Hamas and other established Palestinian factions.

However, several Palestinian and western experts with previous experience in peacemaking believe that such an imperial arrangement could alienate the Palestinians. They cite the example of Kushner who has earlier spoken about the potential value of Gaza’s coastline and relocating local people during reconstruction. Blair’s inclusion, too, has reopened old wounds in a region where memories of Iraq remain raw.

The most volatile element of the plan, however, lies in security. Trump has appointed Major General Jasper Jeffers, the US officer overseeing special operations in the Middle East, to command an International Stabilization Force that would deploy to Gaza. Its mandate is sweeping: enforce a “terror-free environment”, oversee the disarmament of Hamas and other armed groups, and train a reconstituted Palestinian police force. Hamas has categorically rejected the demand to surrender its weapons, raising doubts about how demilitarisation can be achieved without renewed conflict.

The ceasefire that has held since October 2025 remains fragile, with hundreds of Palestinians and several Israeli soldiers reportedly killed in violations. Trump has warned Hamas that it can disarm “the easy way or the hard way”, but officials have offered few details on how coercion would be applied without triggering another war. Regional politics further complicate matters. Israel has resisted any Turkish role in the security force because of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s hostility towards Jerusalem, despite Ankara’s formal place on the Gaza Executive Board.

Supporters of the plan argue that the scale of Gaza’s devastation leaves no alternative but decisive external intervention. Reconstruction costs are estimated to exceed $70 billion, a sum that will require the confidence of international donors and investors. By assembling a board heavy with diplomatic, financial and development experience, the White House hopes to project competence and attract capital.

Whether this corporate-style restructuring can take root in one of the world’s most contested territories remains uncertain.