A case has been registered by the Guruvayur Police against BJP candidate B. Gopalakrishnan over his controversial remarks that neither the Left nor the UDF has fielded a Hindu candidate in the constituency and that Guruvayur should have a Hindu MLA. He had also allegedly used the Guruvayur temple premises for his poll campaign.
Following complaints from the left and the Congress, the chief electoral officer sought a report from the Thrissur district collector. After examining the statement, the district collector, in turn, recommended that a case be registered. Acting on the direction of election authorities, the returning officer in Guruvayur then filed a complaint at the Temple Police Station, citing violations, including breach of election rules, following which the police registered a case against Gopalakrishnan.
Interestingly, there are narratives suggesting that Gopalakrishnan has deviated from the BJP’s “development-first” poll plank with this controversial video. However, BJP state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar—seen as the poster boy of that plank—himself came out in his defence, indicating that the party may be deploying a more layered and sophisticated form of Hindutva politics aimed at engaging multiple strands of identity politics in the state.
And Gopalakrishnan was moving in perfect sync with that plan.
The Kerala paradox
Kerala has historically presented a unique paradox for the BJP. Despite boasting one of the highest densities of RSS daily shakhas in India, the party has struggled to translate this extensive grassroots presence of the Sangh Parivar into electoral success.
At the core of this “Kerala problem” lies a structural gap between Hindutva and Hindu identity. In Kerala, being a devout Hindu does not necessarily translate into identification with a Hindutva political identity. The BJP’s attempts to consolidate a “Hindu vote bank” have largely faltered because Malayali Hindu identity is, to a significant extent, shaped by the Left and the Congress, which have embedded local Hindu traditions within their broader secular-political frameworks.
Nevertheless, the BJP now appears to be attempting to bridge this gap, with increasing support from various Hindutva-aligned groups.
For instance, when THE WEEK asked whether the Maha Magham Mela in Malappuram –held in January and projected as a Hindu “revivalist” gathering—was aimed at consolidating Hindu identity by bringing together tribal communities, OBCs, and forward castes under a single umbrella, and whether its continuation could generate political capital for Hindutva-oriented forces in Kerala, Swami Anandavanam Bharati Maharaj, the key organiser, responded: “Hindutva is the identity of every Hindu. Any dharmic programme naturally strengthens that identity. In that sense, it may influence Hindu political consciousness. But everything is political—even this conversation. Every individual carries their own political understanding.”
Notably, Hindu Ekta Sammelanams (Hindu Unity Conferences) have also been organised with the support of the RSS in key constituencies such as Nemom ahead of the elections. These events brought together representatives from various Hindu community organisations, including the Nair Service Society, Hindu Nadar Samajam, SNDP Yogam, Brahmana Maha Sabha, Yogakshema Sabha, and Brahmana Sabha.
This points to an ongoing effort to reframe Hindu identity beyond its existing sub-identities and secular-political affiliations, aligning it more closely with a Hindutva-based political identity.
Chandrashekar’s Hindutva
Notably, when Rajeev Chandrasekhar was brought in as the BJP’s Kerala state president, there were discussions that the party would place its traditional Hindutva politics on the back burner and foreground development as its central plank. However, when THE WEEK recently asked Chandrasekhar whether he had shifted the Kerala BJP away from its traditional Hindutva path in favour of a development-focused approach, he dismissed the suggestion as a misreading of the party’s politics.
“Development is the primary purpose of politics today. In the BJP, we are in politics to create a better future for the people we serve. That is our mission.
As far as Hindutva is concerned, it has long been projected as a bogey by the Congress party. Sometimes that narrative sticks, but most of the time it does not. People rejected it in 2014, in 2019, and again in 2024. Across many states, this narrative has failed, and it will fail in Kerala as well.
What is Hindutva in what we say or do? There is nothing contradictory. We are proud of who we are and of our faith, and we have no reason to be hesitant about it. At the same time, we respect every believer and every individual’s right to practice their faith,” he said—suggesting that, in his framing, Hindu faith and Hindutva are not seen as distinct.
More importantly, Chandrasekhar indicated that he is actively countering attempts by political opponents to project Hindutva as a “bogey” in Kerala.
Against this backdrop, Gopalakrishnan’s assertion that a “Hindu” must represent the Hindu-majority Guruvayur constituency—and Chandrasekhar’s defence of it—reflects the same underlying approach of aligning Hindu identity with Hindutva. This becomes clearer in Chandrasekhar’s defence, where he draws a parallel with Muslim League leaders such as K. M. Shaji asserting their devout Muslim identity.
While Kerala is known for its high literacy and progressive movements, the selection of candidates and the consolidation of vote banks are almost always influenced by communal demographics. And the sub-identities within different religious communities—and their traditional patterns of political allegiance—have posed an additional challenge, alongside the gap between Hindutva and Hindu identity.
“What Gopalakrishnan said was that Guruvayur needs an MLA who is a believer—how does that become hate speech? Gopalakrishnan has not spoken against anyone. When the Sabarimala issue happened, there was no one standing with the believers. So, isn’t it reasonable to ask whether Guruvayur should have an MLA who is a believer?” Chandrasekhar said.
It may not be an exaggeration to say that, in defending a Hindutva leader from his party as a devout Hindu, the BJP state president is also signalling to Hindu voters that they can assert their religious identity without hesitation—and align it with Hindutva. However, Chandrasekhar himself knows that this remains a work in progress.
