It is harvest time in Somdal, a tiny village nestled in the lush forested hills of Ukhrul in Manipur. The flowers are in bloom and there is an air of celebration. In the middle of the village lies a barren patch of land where a church once stood. It was here that Thuingaleng Muivah, the 91-year-old legendary Naga leader, landed by helicopter on October 22 from Camp Hebron in Nagaland, the headquarters of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak‑Muivah), the oldest and largest Naga insurgent outfit.
Days later, Naga tribesmen gathered at the barren patch to celebrate Muivah’s homecoming. As dusk descended, he stepped forward to light a pine-torch, an ancient Tangkhul Naga tradition that honours ancestors, reclaims identity and offers hope. Across Somdal, villagers lit their own pine torches, the warm glow flickering across the dark hills. The church ground turned into a sacred space as villagers sang carols, danced and celebrated the homecoming of a man who shaped much of Naga political history. Among the crowd was his wife Ikhres Muivah, watching quietly as the ceremony unfolded. The Nagas say they will build a new church on the same ground.
“After uncle Muivah left, people went back to their paddy fields. It seems like a festival is over. But there is a sense of belonging that has been instilled in the younger generation who have been able to connect their history with the present. The future lies in peace. All communities in the northeast will benefit once the Naga problem is resolved,” says Ningreingam Ruivah, Muivah’s nephew, who lives in Imphal.
Somdal is a dominant Tangkhul Naga village—the community that forms the backbone of the NSCN-IM movement. What made the moment extraordinary was that it marked a departure from the divided sentiments that have defined the landscape over the last two years, and an embrace of the long-missed sense of unity. For once, Nagas across tribes came together to grant the patriarch a final homecoming.
After the Meiteis (who predominantly live in the valley) and Kukis (in the hill districts), Nagas form a significant population in Manipur. Competing claims of territory, ethnicity and identity led to the clashes between the Meiteis and Kukis in 2023, leaving hundreds dead and thousands displaced. While Nagas have remained neutral during the ethnic clashes, the government is aware that growing anxiety among different communities over threats to identity and land encroachment will not go away until there is a long-term solution that involves all three groups.
At the heart of the Naga question lies the aspiration for integration of all Naga-inhabited regions of Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Myanmar, often described by the NSCN-IM as ‘Greater Nagalim’. In Manipur, the idea, though decades old, has sparked unease among Meiteis who have rejected the idea of division of the state; Kukis have opposed Naga dominance in the hills; and the state government has ruled out division. This is one of the major reasons why Muivah could not visit his village after he joined the Naga insurgency movement in 1964. Village fables, however, have it that Muivah came disguised to a church ceremony in 1973 and hid in a cave near the razed church ground.
Muivah became the chief architect of the framework agreement signed between the government and the NSCN-IM in 2015. On the table has been the NSCN-IM’s charter of demands for a separate flag and constitution and the basic premise of creating an atmosphere for enduring, inclusive and peaceful coexistence. The government has outrightly rejected the idea of a separate flag and constitution, arguing that the solution can only be found within the framework of the Indian Constitution.
Naturally, Muivah’s homecoming raises serious questions about the intended outcome for the people of the strife-torn state as well as the Central government which facilitated the visit. Sources disclose that the peace talks between the Meiteis and Kukis have reached a deadlock, especially after the Kukis, who are demanding Union territory status for the hill regions, refused to tone down their demands.
Delhi’s options are narrowing as Manipur’s assembly remains in suspended animation following chief minister Biren Singh’s resignation in February. With the opposition Congress indicating that any extension of the assembly in its current form after February next year will face resistance, the Centre is under pressure to accelerate peace talks.
Interestingly, the elders of various Naga groups have been playing mediators since the outbreak of violence. “Violence only destroys relationships that took generations to build,” says G. Gaingam, former president of the United Naga Council (UNC), who has been involved in back-channel talks with the Kukis and Meiteis. “We must remember that we were neighbours. We celebrated festivals and mourned deaths together.”
The government-appointed interlocutor A.K. Mishra seems to have sensed an opportunity in Muivah’s visit. With the Nagaland government on board and governor’s rule in place in Manipur, New Delhi’s green-signal to Muivah was meant to open doors for deeper engagement and out-of-the-box solutions.
First: the gesture is one of peace that could give a fresh push to the protracted Naga peace talks. Second: the assertion of Naga identity in Manipur brings a third stakeholder to remind the two warring sides in the valley and hills that if any demands for a separate hill administration are made, the Nagas can be equal stakeholders to such claims, if not more. Third: the people of Manipur—whether Kuki, Meitei or Naga—do not want an impasse that brings further misery upon their people who have already suffered violence and unrest in the past when the three communities clashed. Fourth: the olive branch to Nagas could drive the Kukis and Meiteis to the talking table faster.
But while the optics were carefully chosen, the direction the visit took caused some unease within sections of the security establishment. Muivah’s close security detail of the Naga army had reportedly been advised to keep their arms concealed and the number of armed cadres capped at 35. But they came uniformed and armed. For years, security agencies have alleged that weapons used by the outfit are either illegally held or smuggled from across the border. The public display of these arms on Manipur soil led to embarrassment within the security setup.
Adding to the concerns was Muivah’s speech, which urged the Nagas to continue their “struggle until the goal is achieved”. His words were in sharp contrast to the Centre’s intent of sending a reconciliation message to the people recovering from last year’s ethnic clashes. A section of the security establishment is worried that Muivah’s renewed reference to “Greater Nagalim” could disturb the fragile calm. The timing is also delicate as the rhetoric could embolden Naga youth in Manipur, where NSCN-IM’s influence is waning.
“The NSCN-IM’s top leadership is ageing and the outfit is struggling to keep its relevance. Due caution needs to be exercised to prevent the outfit from getting a new lease of life,” says D.K. Pathak, former chairman of the Ceasefire Monitoring Group (CFMG), which monitors the ground rules of the ceasefire with the insurgent outfit.
Sources say back-channel communications between government representatives and NSCN-IM have taken place, urging restraint in tone and optics. Yet Muivah’s defiant message, which also accused the government of “divide and rule”, raised eyebrows in the security setup in Manipur. More critically, the assertive homecoming injected new energy—and possibly new uncertainty—into India’s longest-running insurgency movement.
The question staring at New Delhi and Kohima is whether Muivah’s symbolic return will open a path to peace, or has it stirred a hornet’s nest in an already fractured society?
Those who understand the intricacies of the Naga struggle argue that the government’s conciliatory gesture should not be linked to Muivah’s message. “It comes as no surprise that Muivah has reiterated the Naga sentiment. However, a general message has also gone out to all communities that there is room for engagement for a roadmap towards peaceful coexistence,” says a senior security official.
However, people’s patience is also wearing thin as they wait for outcomes. “The massive turnout at Muivah’s homecoming reception in Ukhrul and Senapati districts should be a clear message to the government in Delhi that the Naga people still hope and yearn for peace,” says Kho John, former president of the UNC.
As short-term measures, some Naga civil society members believe that more autonomy for the hill districts, protection of identity, culture and heritage and allaying concerns of land ownership among different ethnic groups could help take the negotiations forward. “We are not a lost people. We are led by light,” says Yarngam Muivah, pastor of the Tangkhul Baptist Church in Bengaluru. Will Manipur be lifted from darkness and discard divisive discourses, or will it enter the next phase of the struggle for another homecoming? The answer lies not just with the Nagas, but also the Meiteis, Kukis and others who have lived through their darkest hours awaiting a new dawn.