On Vijaya Dashami in 1925, a 36-year-old doctor from Nagpur, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, gathered a small group of men at his home and announced, “Today, the sangh begins.” Few could have imagined that, a century later, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) would grow into one of India’s most influential voluntary organisations—shaping politics, education, culture and civil society.
Over its 100-year journey, the RSS has faced numerous challenges, including being banned three times, criticised for its unabashed advocacy of hindutva, and accused of exerting undue influence over governance. Yet, the organisation has continued to expand. Today, it runs over 80,000 daily shakhas and operates in nearly every district of India. Its symbiotic relationship with the BJP, particularly in the past decade, has propelled the growth of both organisations. The RSS has sought not only organisational growth but also to embed itself deeply within the socio-political fabric of India. This trend is likely to intensify in the years ahead, as the world witnesses increasingly polarised politics.
Central to the RSS ideology is its belief in Hindu rashtra, which has been a rallying point for critics who argue that it is exclusionary, pushing the country’s minorities and marginalised communities to the periphery. Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS chief, has clearly articulated this vision: “India is an undivided Hindu nation that needs no formal declaration.” Bhagwat, the sixth sarsanghchalak of the RSS, has led the organisation since 2009.
“Akhand Bharat is not politics, but the unity of consciousness,” said Bhagwat. “We say Hindu, you call it Indian, the meaning is the same. Our ancestors and culture are one. Worship methods may differ, but our identity is the same.” Bhagwat also acknowledged that certain “objectionable” references in ancient religious texts, as well as certain passages in Bunch of Thoughts (written by M.S. Golwalkar, the second chief of the RSS), were no longer valid. This self-critique and willingness to evolve suggest that the RSS is attempting to present itself as more inclusive, even as the assertion of hindutva identity remains prominent in the political environment.
Rajiv Tuli, chairperson of the RSS-inspired publication house Suruchi Prakashan, said minorities had no reason to fear in a Hindu rashtra, asserting that it was rooted in principles such as sarva dharma samabhav (equal respect for all religions), sarvajan hitay (welfare of all), sarvajan sukhay (happiness for all) and vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the world is one family). He said people of any faith, profession or background would enjoy equal rights and justice, with no appeasement of any group. Tuli drew a historical comparison between India and Pakistan, claiming that, unlike Pakistan, India’s minority population had grown since partition, suggesting a contrast in how minorities were treated in the two countries.
The RSS has shown a keen interest in shaping not only the political landscape but also the cultural and educational frameworks of India. This is evident in its influence over the New Education Policy, which focuses on Indic knowledge, and in its support for the construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. The Ram temple movement was spearheaded by the RSS and its affiliates, such as the Vishva Hindu Parishad, and was ultimately carried to its conclusion by the BJP. This movement has sparked calls to “liberate” other religious sites, such as the Gyanvapi and Mathura mosques. However, the RSS has now signalled that it wishes to distance itself from direct involvement in such temple movements. Said Bhagwat, “After the Ram temple, there will be no direct involvement of the sangh in other temple movements, but swayamsevaks can associate.”
The RSS’s evolving stance reflects a broader strategy of engaging with society through the concept of panch parivartan (five transformations), a set of five core programmes that the organisation prioritises: promoting social harmony and equality, fostering family enlightenment and strengthening cultural values, spreading environmental awareness, cultivating selfhood and indigenous pride and emphasising citizens’ duties and holistic national integration.
Under two prime ministers—Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi—the sangh has grown in influence. There is close coordination through multiple channels: regular meetings, feedback exchanges on policy and inclusion of RSS functionaries in cultural and educational bodies. Unlike during Vajpayee’s time, when the sangh and the government often clashed, the relationship in the last decade has been largely harmonious, barring recent debates over the BJP’s 2024 poll performance, the 75-year retirement rule and the appointment of a new party chief. With both Modi and Bhagwat remaining physically and mentally fit and with continuity deemed essential, the age issue seems to have been quietly shelved. Bhagwat clarified that the rule did not apply to constitutional posts.
In its 100th year, the sangh’s work is directed at strengthening “nationalistic forces”, which, in practice, often means support for the BJP and its allies. While the RSS does not directly ask voters to support any party, since 2014, it has been urging voters to elect those prioritising “national interests”. “Any party that works for the nation gets support. When Mayawati came to power with the BJP, she was supported. It depends on who speaks for the nation. The Nationalist Congress Party did not get support earlier, but it got support later under Ajit Pawar. That is why you often see rebels winning, or outsiders in the BJP losing, as they don’t get cadre support,” said veteran RSS researcher and author Ratan Sarda. “If the Congress talks about national issues, hindutva and not appeasement, it, too, will get support.”
As it celebrates its centenary, the RSS is at its peak, while its ideological opponent, the Communist Party of India, which is also reaching a similar milestone, has seen its fortunes wane. This contrast underscores the dynamic and shifting nature of India’s ideological landscape.