Interview/ Mohamed Waheed, former president of the Maldives
Mohamed Waheed became president of the Maldives in 2012 following Mohamed Nasheed’s resignation, after having served as his vice president. Before entering politics, Waheed had a long career with the United Nations. In May 2025, Mohamed Muizzu appointed him as his special envoy. Excerpts from an interview:
Q/ How do you look at your appointment?
A/ I have always believed that it is the duty of senior statesmen, particularly former heads of state, to assist their successors and to always place the interests of the nation above everything else. Having once held the country’s highest office, the obligation to serve does not end upon leaving it.
I have discreetly and openly supported each of my successors according to their needs. I served as special envoy to my immediate successor and represented him at numerous international forums, including at the United Nations. For another successor—who was also my political opponent—I facilitated high-level meetings and supported his development priorities.
I now extend the same support to Muizzu. Unlike his predecessors, he has initiated the formulation of a 20-year national development plan, giving Maldivians, for the first time, a clear vision of future growth. This will enable a robust political discourse around competing ideas for our nation’s long-term future.
Q/ Your rivalry with President Nasheed significantly shaped Maldivian politics. While he pushed for rapid reforms, you preferred a more cautious approach. How do you reflect on those days? Have your personal and professional relations with Nasheed evolved since then?
A/ Our relationship, often portrayed as a “rivalry,” can only be understood in the context of history. President Nasheed was once a close family friend. At the age of 22, he wrote about my 1989 parliamentary campaign, during which my team faced severe harassment and intimidation. He was later persecuted by the government of the day for exposing those challenges and sentenced to six months in prison.
At the time, I had just been elected to Parliament with the largest recorded majority. I introduced the first Human Rights Bill in the Maldivian legislature, calling for prisoners of conscience to be recognised and granted due process, and I actively campaigned for Nasheed’s release. This advocacy, however, led to my extended family and me becoming targets of the state. Following the arrest of all my brothers and brothers-in-law, I negotiated my departure from the country in 1990 to secure their release and joined UNICEF.
In 2005, I helped Nasheed form the Maldives’ first political party. Although my position at UNICEF prevented direct political involvement, my family members were among its first registered members. I later took early retirement to help establish the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), drafting its founding documents and leading, alongside Party President Ibrahim Hussain Zaki, the first legally sanctioned protest against the 27-year dictatorship.
Our differences in approach emerged even then. Nasheed, under house arrest, urged us to defy a government order to end the protest by 6pm. and provoke confrontation with the police. I refused, and he forced my exit from the MDP. My supporters subsequently formed the National Unity Party (Gaumee Itthihaad), which was formally registered in June 2008.
Later that year, Nasheed and I reunited to form a coalition, winning the first round of the presidential election and ultimately ending 30 years of dictatorship. Our approaches to governance remained distinct, and these differences culminated in his resignation in 2012, after which I assumed the presidency. While he still claims he was forced to resign, I maintain an open-door policy toward him, as I do with all former senior statesmen.
Q/ How would you assess the current political situation in the Maldives?
A/ There is a healthy level of political debate, even as preparations begin for the local elections early next year. The current administration enjoys a commanding majority, having secured decisive victories in both the recent presidential and parliamentary elections. With that majority comes heightened expectations.
As we approach the 2028 presidential elections, political competition will naturally intensify. This has been the pattern since our democratic transition in 2008, when opposition forces often chose revolutionary tactics over responsible democratic engagement. To move forward, we must institutionalise guardrails that prevent extremism and foster constructive political discourse. My hope is that we can break the cycle of upheaval and nurture a more mature democracy in the years ahead.
Q/ What is your perspective on the trajectory of India-Maldives relations under the current administration?
A/ For over 60 years, since our independence, the Maldives and India have shared an unbreakable bond rooted in deep ethnic, cultural, linguistic and commercial ties. This relationship has been a cornerstone of our foreign policy.
Despite our size, we have always been ambitious in our aspirations, and this is reflected in our long-standing partnership with India across multilateral frameworks. Both our nations share a common vision for regional stability and global equity. I believe this partnership will continue to grow stronger, not only ensuring our mutual security and prosperity but also contributing to the broader wellbeing of the international community.
Q/ China’s growing presence in the Maldives has raised concerns in India.
A/ India is undeniably our closest friend and ally, but China remains a valuable development partner. We work closely with India to maintain a balanced economic relationship with China, ensuring that neither our interests nor India’s geo-strategic priorities are jeopardised.
As emerging powers like India and China expand their global influence, competing strategic interests are inevitable. In this context, the Maldives’ role as a trusted mediator becomes increasingly important. While our preference for India is clear, our ability to build consensus and amplify the voices of vulnerable nations contributes to the stability of the international rules-based order.
Q/ What do you have to say about the ‘India Out’ campaign?
A/ It was a misguided, short-lived movement, championed by then-opposition leader and former president [Abdulla] Yameen and fuelled by a lack of transparency from the administration at the time. Muizzu wisely discontinued the campaign upon taking office. His efforts to craft a forward-looking national vision through the 2040 development plan will strengthen our democracy.
Q/ What advice would you offer to the future leaders of the Maldives?
A/ Aspiring leaders must remember that the Maldives’ challenges can only be met through unity and by prioritising the common good. We must not succumb to division or hate.
As a small, vulnerable nation, we also have an obligation to set an example for others; by upholding integrity, embracing consensus and always striving to be part of the global solution.
Q/ Your country is particularly vulnerable to climate change. How do you assess global efforts to address this crisis?
A/ Global leadership on climate action must increasingly come from emerging economies. As some developed nations retreat from their obligations, the global south is stepping up, recognising the existential nature of this crisis.
Climate-induced challenges—saltwater intrusion, land erosion, reef degradation and socio-economic exclusion—pose grave risks to our survival as the world’s lowest-lying nation. We need renewed political will and sustained collective action to mitigate and adapt to these threats.
Q/ What are your priorities now? Do you envision a return to active politics?
A/ My sole priority is to continue serving the Maldivian people. I have consistently supported every administration since leaving office and will continue to do so.
However, my days of active politics are behind me. I will never again contest for elected office, and I believe I may be the first Maldivian politician to state this publicly.