Looking back, the past five years might go down as quite an important period in India’s military history. Not only did the country show the world that it could fight and fight well, but also that its soldiers could hold their own across the negotiating table.
The two different forms of engagement—parleying with the Chinese military and a full-blown military conflict with Pakistan—had their own dynamics. They added another dimension to the evolving nature of the Indian military, but also exposed gaps in the security establishment.
If the engagement with China underlined lack of intelligence information, tardy procurement process and apparent lack of modern equipment—particularly for high-altitude warfare—the conflict with Pakistan revealed serious weaknesses in India’s electronic warfare capability, information warfare and the capacity to make its own weapons.
Engagement with China
From mid-2020, the world’s two biggest land forces—with some 20 lakh soldiers in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and about 13.5 lakh in the Indian Army—embarked on a massive face-off. They mobilised lakhs of men, tanks, artillery guns, ammunition, supply logistics equipment, drones and other equipment, transporting them to the icy heights of the Karakoram and the Himalayas along the 3,488km Line of Actual Control (LAC).
It was a delicate time for the two Asian giants—both trying desperately to recover from the Covid-19 pandemic—and the crippling economic cost of the engagement was telling.
Yet, mobilisation continued. The fact that at least 24 soldiers died in a brutal fistfight in the Galwan Valley (June 15-16, 2020) made both sides itch for violent confrontation. The reverberations were felt strongly, from the banks of the Pangong Tso lake in eastern Ladakh to the high mountains of Tawang in Arunachal. It was important to cool tempers before the situation reached a point of no return.
What followed was a series of quiet and resolute interactions—ranging from calm to stormy ones—between the men in uniform from both sides. At times, these interactions continued for days, and the effort slowly began to pay off.
Of course, there were meetings at the top political level, but these interactions on the border, from the senior levels to the battalion and company level, were equally if not more important.
Chief of the Army Staff General Upendra Dwivedi told THE WEEK that the two armies had, on average, more than 1,100 interactions a year—that is more than three times a day. These meetings were mostly held in Daulat Beg Oldi and Chushul-Moldo (Ladakh), Nathu La (Sikkim), and Bum La and Kibithu (Arunachal Pradesh).
“[Both armies] have become more responsive and more sensitive to each other’s concerns and the process of disengagement has contributed to improved stability on ground,” said General Dwivedi.
Many a time, however, the situation was close to breaking point. In July 2023, then Army chief General Manoj Pande told THE WEEK: “The events of 2020 led to the emergence of northern borders (read China) as the ‘primary front’.” It was perhaps the first indication that the Indian forces now saw China as enemy number one and that the forces were being “strategically re-orientated” towards the northern borders.
At the same time, General Pande had also said that India did not want permanent deployment along the LAC, but that any moving back would depend on disengagement and withdrawal of forces from the other side.
As things stand now, India and China seem to have avoided a conflict that had the potential to turn into a war, with catastrophic consequences not just for South Asia, but for the world. As for the future, the behaviour of President Donald Trump could perhaps even push India and China closer together.
Engagement with Pakistan
On April 22, 2025, Pakistan-aided terrorists shot dead 26 people in the tourist spot of Baisran near Pahalgam in Kashmir’s Anantnag district. India decided to hit back and hit hard. On the intervening night of May 7-8, the chief of defence staff and the three service chiefs huddled together as Operation Sindoor was launched from South Block in Delhi. Among other things, it reflected the ongoing jointness and integration effort of the three services.
Nine targets, hosting terrorists and their infrastructure, were hit in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and Pakistan. The farthest one was Bahawalpur in Pakistan’s Punjab, 100km from the Line of Control.
As a former Army chief told THE WEEK during the crisis: “The key was to maintain and calibrate the level of escalation. Because we all know what an escalation means between two nuclear adversaries.”
From May 7 to May 10, India foiled a series of night swarm attacks by Pakistani drones. “It demonstrated the effectiveness of integrated counter-UAS (unmanned aircraft systems) and layered air defence systems,” a top Army officer told THE WEEK.
On May 10, Pakistan’s DGMO requested a ceasefire. “It demonstrated the effectiveness of India’s long-range firepower and precision strike capability. The circle was complete and the intent was made clear,” said the officer.
In effect, Operation Sindoor gave birth to a new military doctrine. From the Cold Start Doctrine (quick but limited strikes and focus on defence), it had now become the Dynamic Response Military Doctrine, which enables execution of a range of military operations without a formal declaration of war, all within the nuclear threshold.
Perhaps more important, Operation Sindoor put several military initiatives on the fast track. In June, two additional Pinaka rocket regiments were operationalised, strengthening stand-off firepower. Indigenous rocket evolution was accelerated, including work on the 300km-class Pinaka variants for future deep-strike options.
On October 24, a demonstration in Rajasthan showcased the integrated employment of new organisations such as the Bhairav battalion and Ashni drone platoon (see graphics), alongside newly inducted technological assets. This signalled the movement from concept to deployed capability.
Said Lieutenant General Ajay Kumar, director general (Infantry): “About 385 infantry battalions of the Army have already been equipped with a platoon each of Bhairav as part of a mega transformative effort. Each platoon will operate 10 drones—six loitering munitions of ‘kamikaze’ drones and four for surveillance.”
There have been crucial developments in other verticals, too. On December 1, a BrahMos unit of the Army’s Southern Command and elements of the tri-services Andaman and Nicobar Command executed a missile launch that showed high-speed flight stability and terminal accuracy under simulated battle conditions. Then, the successful test of the Pinaka Long Range Guided Rocket (reported range of 120km) on December 29 marked a notable step towards higher-precision deep fires.
Two days later, the Defence Research and Development Organisation successfully tested a salvo launch (multiple firings) of the indigenous, multi-warhead capable Pralay missile. This is a solid propellant, quasi-ballistic (capable of manoeuvres in flight) missile with state-of-the-art guidance and navigation to ensure high precision.
The past year also saw a variety of UAS being inducted into the Army. This includes various types of drones, including about 3,000 remotely piloted aircraft, about 150 tethered drones, swarm drones, logistics drones for high-altitude areas, and kamikaze drones. The Army’s air power also got a boost in 2025, with the induction of six Apache attack helicopters.
But most important, the Indian security establishment has realised the need to adopt and adapt to changes in keeping with the changing needs of modern warfare.
All this acquires significance when seen against the backdrop of the government’s position that Operation Sindoor still continues. In his special address in Parliament on July 29, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had asserted: “India will demolish terror in the terrorism nursery. Which is why Operation Sindoor hasn’t ended. It will continue.”
On December 13, CDS Gen Anil Chauhan reiterated: “The intensity of operations may have ebbed, but Operation Sindoor continues... our strengths will lie in the ability to remain alert, agile and prepared, every hour, every day.”
What India faces now is a ‘no war, no peace’ scenario, which is the new normal.