The Middle East primarily constitutes a Muslim population, except Israel, where Jews are the majority. Recently, Israel has been making headlines, not just because of the war with Iran, but with increased symbolic violence towards its Christian population. The violence was not confined to Jerusalem but has spilt over to Lebanon, which has come under Israeli military attacks. The violence is patterned in the hostility towards the Christians, which has been surfacing frequently. The incidents cannot be viewed in isolation or merely as personal spite; they indicate a shift in the sociopolitical climate. The fresh incidents of smashing of the statue of Jesus by the IDF or assault on the nun by a West Bank settler display a deep theological cleavage.
The statistics for 2025 and early 2026, provided by The Rossing Centre for Education and Dialogue and the Religious Freedom Data Centre, have documented the acts of violence against Christians. Both organisations emphasise the coexistence of faith, especially among Christians, Jews and Muslims. The data provided by these organisations clearly indicates that the presence of Christians in the holy city becomes untenable. The notable targets of the assaults are on the people who are visibly Christians, like nuns or clergy, and are symbols of a non-Jewish presence in the Jewish society. Moreover, the rage is all about shared space among the Christians and people who are radically religious and nationalists who want to assert one single monolithic hegemony over the Holy Land.
In addition, the assaults on the Christians in Israel cannot be merely looked at through the perspective of faith, but also of nationality, since the vast majority of Christians in Israel are Palestinians. The violence against them is twofold. It is a combination of mixed sentiments towards another faith and another nationality, especially Palestine. From an extremist point of view, they are idolatry and are a testament of Palestinian heritage that are not in tandem with the expansionist narratives.
To understand and theorise hostility, the segmentary theory framework by Ernest Gellner and Pierre Bourdieu can be utilised. The segmentary theory explains how a society is composed of various “segments”, such as religious, ethnic, or tribal groups, that exist in a state of balanced tension. In a functioning plural state, a strong “central” authority keeps the balance so that no segment can entirely dominate or erase the others.
As anti-Christian hostility rises, we are witnessing a clear crisis of central authority. In response to the political centre’s shift towards a more exclusionary, ethno-nationalist identity, the ‘Jewish segment’ (or, actually, the most radicalised elements in it) feels empowered to extend both its symbolic and physical frontiers. For this microcosm, the Christian segment is an anomaly. As opposed to the Muslim segment, which is often in a more direct, militarised confrontation with the state, the Christian segment has historically occupied a more fragile intermediary space. Extremists try to rationalise the segmentary map by attacking Christian symbols and clergy. The intention is to declutter a group they deem as foreign or an idolatrous remnant that clutters their vision.
As Israel signals towards re-occupying Southern Lebanon, the act of an IDF member smashing the statue is not simply a byproduct of war. These violent tendencies can be understood and supported by a radical understanding of the Halakha regarding Avodah Zarah (foreign worship/idolatry). These extremists inside Israel see the historical Land of Israel, and hence the occupied territories, as possessing a level of purity that they feel is tainted by icons.
Although the state took necessary steps to resolve the situation, it addressed only the symptoms rather than the underlying cause. As the Christians in Israel have been docile, and along with it, the state guarantees freedom of worship, then why is the gap keep widening between policies and the lived experience of the community? Not only are the civilians who are becoming hostile, but the state itself is also becoming increasingly intolerant, as the world witnessed the closure of the Holy Sepulchre or the blocking of the Patriarch from entering the church during Good Friday celebrations. These are alarming signals that can be read as the state is steadily moving towards the assertion of one single identity, which eventually purges the minorities. Maybe Israel is really influenced and wants to add itself to the list of authoritarian MENA countries that are intolerant towards religious pluralism.
The author is a doctoral candidate at the Centre for West Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.