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How Morocco asserts its role as both a refugee destination and a critical partner in the EU’s migration strategy

For decades, the Kingdom of Morocco was viewed almost exclusively as a ‘transit country’ for migrants from the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa.

A man uses his moible phone while sitting on the bank of the Bou Regreg River in Rabat | AFP

For decades, the Kingdom of Morocco was viewed almost exclusively as a ‘transit country’ for migrants from the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. Migrants seeking to cross the Strait of Gibraltar or enter the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla used Morocco largely as a staging point. However, the European Union’s (EU) tightening of its borders created new pressures for both sides. Today, Morocco continues to play a key role not only as a destination country but also as a strategic partner of the EU, anchored in three main pillars: the modernisation of its internal asylum infrastructure, its strategic leverage in EU security negotiations, and its recent classification as a ‘safe country of origin’ (SCO).

Nirmalshankar M.

Rabat’s active role as a refugee destination in the region is not a coincidence but the result of a calculated policy shift. In 2013, the government launched the National Strategy on Immigration and Asylum (SNIA), aimed at integrating migrants and asylum seekers by providing access to education, healthcare and employment, managing migration flows, and combating human trafficking. The SNIA marked an initial step in Morocco’s transition from a transit country to a destination country. Under this framework, the Bureau des Réfugiés et des Apatrides (BRA) was reactivated to manage the national asylum system. The BRA, a government body within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is responsible for formally recognising refugee status and works closely with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

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According to UNHCR data, by mid-2025 Morocco hosted 19,756 refugees and asylum seekers. These included refugees from Syria (5,149), the Central African Republic (1,241), Sudan (815), Yemen (512), South Sudan (275), Côte d’Ivoire (194), Palestine (125), and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (116). Smaller numbers originated from Guinea, Mali, Somalia, Cameroon, Senegal, Nigeria and Chad.

While Morocco cultivates a humanitarian image domestically, it simultaneously uses its geography as a tool of migration diplomacy with the EU. Brussels recognises that without Rabat’s cooperation, the Western Mediterranean route would become largely unmanageable. To contain irregular migration, the EU funds Morocco’s border management efforts. In 2023, the Kingdom received a €624 million package as part of long-term support for 2024–27. This assistance includes thermal surveillance systems, drones and intensified naval patrols in the Atlantic and Mediterranean.

One of the most significant developments in early 2026 was the EU’s formal designation of Morocco as a ‘safe country of origin’. This status validates Morocco’s democratic posture and confirms that its citizens are not subject to systematic persecution. It also enables European immigration authorities to fast-track the return of Moroccan nationals whose asylum claims are deemed unfounded. Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International argue that this designation overlooks persistent restrictions on political dissent in Morocco. The Moroccan government, however, views SCO status as a marker of geopolitical maturity, reinforcing the narrative that the country is no longer a source of instability but a provider of solutions.

A central tension in Morocco’s strategy lies in the EU’s policy of ‘externalisation’. The EU seeks to shift its border control responsibilities southwards, effectively positioning Morocco as the first line of defence. Rabat has resisted being reduced to a passive enforcer and instead asserts itself as an active stakeholder. Moroccan officials repeatedly emphasise that migration management is a shared responsibility, and when diplomatic relations with Europe deteriorate, Morocco has demonstrated its ability to leverage its strategic importance.

Despite Morocco’s expanding role in refugee management, domestic realities reveal stark contrasts. Refugees in urban centres such as Rabat and Casablanca are more visible in the labour market and benefit from EU-funded vocational training programmes. Nevertheless, living conditions remain difficult, with many residing in overcrowded neighbourhoods marked by poor sanitation. Conditions are even more challenging in rural areas, where refugees face greater isolation, fewer economic opportunities and limited access to humanitarian assistance.

Morocco’s position in 2026 reflects a broader geopolitical pragmatism. As a destination for refugees, it aligns itself with international human rights norms and promotes a Pan-African identity, enhancing its standing within the African Union. As a key partner to the EU, it secures financial resources and political capital critical for domestic development. The durability of this dual role, however, depends on unresolved legal questions. In the absence of a comprehensive asylum law, refugee rights remain uncertain. Moreover, as the EU pushes for deeper externalisation, Morocco will have to weigh financial incentives against the potential erosion of its humanitarian credibility.

The author is a doctoral candidate at the Centre for West Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.