It took a horrific video, of two women of Manipur’s minority Kuki-Zo ethnic group being paraded naked by a mob, for India to realise the humanitarian crisis unfolding in the state. Even two years later, justice remains elusive. In another case, 31-year-old David Thiek was beheaded, his severed head displayed in public.
The ethnic conflict between the majority Meitei and minority Kuki-Zo communities that erupted in 2023 has since subsided, but has led to over 260 killed and 60,000 displaced.
“We may have moved on physically, but the wounds remain,” said journalist-writer Hoihnu Hauzel on Tuesday, speaking at the Press Club of India, New Delhi, during a discussion on her book ‘Stories the Fire Could Not Burn’, published by Speaking Tiger Books.
Hauzel knows that rupture intimately. Her family was among those forced to flee to a neighbouring state as violence engulfed Manipur. The book draws from within the Kuki-Zo/Mizo experience, weaving together a deeply personal account of violence, displacement and grief.
‘Simmering’ tensions
According to Hauzel, what unfolded in May 2023 wasn’t a sudden outburst, but the culmination of tensions that had long been “simmering”.
A multi-ethnic state, Manipur is defined as much by its geography as by its people. The Imphal Valley, which makes up 10 per cent of the land, is home to the majority population, particularly the dominant Meitei community. Surrounding it are the hill districts, accounting for the remaining 90 per cent, inhabited largely by tribal groups, such as Kuki-Zo/Mizo/Chin and the Naga groups.
While the Meiteis have historically dominated political power, hill communities have long argued that they remain on the margins, both in governance and development, with the valley receiving a disproportionate share of state resources.
“This imbalance has existed for decades. It is structural and institutional,” Hauzel said. While these divisions were not always overt, she noted, multiple fault lines were at play. Among the most significant was a growing assertion by communities that had long felt excluded, demanding greater rights and recognition.
The immediate flashpoint came with the Manipur High Court’s recommendation to grant Scheduled Tribe status to the Meiteis. For Kuki groups, this raised fears of further political consolidation by the majority, as well as concerns over access to land in the hill areas. Protests and counter-protests followed, quickly spiralling into violence that plunged the state into a conflict lasting months.
A muted national response
While India has witnessed episodes of mass violence in the past, such as the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits, and the 2002 Gujarat riots; state intervention, however delayed or contested, eventually brought down violence in days. In Manipur, however, it continued for months unchecked.
“When those meant to protect you fail, it leaves communities completely vulnerable,” the author said, adding that the situation might have been different had different parties been in power at the Centre and in the state.
She also pointed to a deeper reason for the muted national response. “Manipur, and the Northeast more broadly, often remains outside the national consciousness,” she said, citing limited political representation, patchy media coverage, and muted response from the civil society at large.
“We need to change how we see the Northeast, not as a region of conflict, but to bring out more positive stories.”
What’s the solution?
According to Hauzel, one needs to understand both sides. Notably, the valley has less land, and the hills have less political power.
“A responsible government should have addressed concerns of both the communities and found a balanced solution. Instead, what we saw was the deepening of divisions,” she said. The way forward, she argued, lies in inclusive governance, one that recognises and accommodates the aspirations of all communities.