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CPI(M)'s Sabarimala shift: Govindan channels E.M.S. to defend evolving stance

CPI(M)'s shifting Sabarimala stance and religious policies in Kerala draw scrutiny. M.V. Govindan references E.M.S. Namboothirippad to justify the party's political moves

CPI(M) Kerala state secretary M.V. Govindan

CPI(M) state secretary M.V. Govindan has often sought answers to difficult questions in the writings and ideas of the party’s late ideologue and former Kerala chief minister, E.M.S. Namboothirippad. For instance, when confronted with uneasy questions about the Pinarayi Vijayan government’s seemingly neoliberal policies, Govindan has argued that the CPI(M) as a party and the CPI(M)-led government operate on separate tracks. 

Quoting EMS, Govindan had attempted to explain that a government elected by securing a majority in a “bourgeois economic system” cannot implement the full policies and positions of the Communist Party, and that comrades have no doubt in it. At the same time, he has never shied away from advancing the argument that the LDF represents a distinct left alternative in Kerala.

Interestingly, the “limitations” of working within a “bourgeois” system have long served as a convenient cover for CPI(M)-led governments to adopt and repurpose successful ideas introduced by their political opponents. Even when such measures invite charges of hypocrisy and contradiction, the rhetoric of “limitations” provides a ready justification—one that is far from new. On all such occasions that demand careful justification, there is hardly a better reference than the writings of E.M.S.

E.M.S. had written extensively on the questions of religion and secularism. Back in 1996, when a leader of a Christian denomination in Kerala declared that he opposed secularism on the grounds that it amounted to a denial of religion, E.M.S. responded with an essay titled “Is Secularism Anti-Religion?” There, he articulated his Marxist-Leninist view that while he and his comrades opposed the “political use of any religion,” they nevertheless respected the religious sentiments of the people and “would not do anything to wound their feelings.” In another essay, “Opium of the People” (1995), he noted that his party “does not fight religion as non-Marxist rationalists do”—in the abstract, divorced from class struggle.

Govindan now draws from the same script to defend the CPI(M) on questions surrounding the Global Ayyappa Sangamam, organised by the Travancore Devaswom Board with substantial support from the Pinarayi Vijayan government. The chief minister insists that the event—envisioned as a platform to bring together Ayyappa devotees worldwide and to position Sabarimala as a global spiritual center—should not be seen through a political lens. Yet, the CPI(M) finds itself facing allegations from political opponents that the move is calculated with the upcoming local body and assembly elections in mind.

Defending the party’s stance, Govindan said:

“The CPI(M) has never taken, nor will it ever take, a stance against any faith. The party is with the believers.”

When reporters raised the issue of women’s entry into Sabarimala, Govindan declined to comment, calling it “a closed chapter.” But the fact remains that the affidavit submitted by Pinarayi Vijayan’s first government in the Supreme Court—firmly supporting women’s entry—still stands. That 2018 affidavit invoked gender equality under Articles 14 (equality) and 25 (freedom of religion), arguing that the ban was both discriminatory and not an essential religious practice. 

Back in 2018, in the aftermath of the Supreme Court verdict, the Pinarayi Vijayan government had formed the Navodhana Samrakshana Samithi (Renaissance Protection Forum) with the backing of over 170 organisations to ensure implementation of the judgment. The move proved polarising: progressive liberals and a section of non-Marxist rationalists stood by the government, while traditionalists rose in fierce opposition. At the time, the CPI(M) projected the chief minister as leading a “second renaissance” in the state.

Believing the government’s assurances, several women attempted the pilgrimage but were blocked by protesters. On January 2, 2019, two women—Bindu Ammini and Kanakadurga—successfully entered the temple with police protection, becoming the first women of menstruating age to do so after the verdict. Their entry sparked further violent protests.

However, in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the LDF suffered a heavy defeat, after which the party gradually softened its stance on women’s entry into Sabarimala. Now, with the organisation of the Global Ayyappa Sangamam, there are many critics who argue that the CPI(M) has taken a complete flip from its progressive position. 

The party state secretary’s assertion that the CPI(M) is “with the believers” finds an echo in the LDF government’s decision to hold a minority congregation as well. Significantly, the order for this congregation was issued only after controversy broke out over the government hosting the Ayyappa meet, and many view this event as a balancing act to the Global Ayyappa Sangamam. The government, however, has sought to counter criticism by framing the minority congregation as merely one among a series of development meets being organised by 33 departments. 

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