President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to India for the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit took place at a pivotal moment, underscoring the unshakeable partnership forged over seven decades. Against the backdrop of Russia's protracted war in Ukraine, this high-level engagement signalled New Delhi's commitment to strategic autonomy and Moscow's pivot toward reliable partners in the Global South. As Western sanctions isolate Russia and reshape global energy and defence markets, the visit highlighted how India safeguards its core interests with Russia while yet reinforcing deepening ties with the West. The India-Russia relationship, rooted in mutual trust and pragmatism, offers a lens into navigating multipolarity in an era of conflict and competition.
Achievements of the summit meeting
The state visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to New Delhi on 4-5 December 2025, during the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit, yielded several tangible outcomes for India:
• Programme for Development of Strategic Areas of Economic Cooperation until 2030: A roadmap was adopted to diversify and sustain bilateral trade and investments, aiming for balanced growth beyond energy.
• Commitment to Uninterrupted Russian Fuel Supplies: President Putin assured continuous oil and energy exports to India, providing stability amid global sanctions and market volatility, while India prioritises commercial considerations.
• Progress toward a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU): Leaders directed officials to accelerate negotiations, which could potentially reduce trade barriers and boost Indian exports to the EAEU region.
• Speeding up negotiations for a Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement: This measure is designed to facilitate greater mutual investments and protect Indian businesses operating in Russia.
• Enhanced Settlement of Bilateral Trade in National Currencies: Both sides agreed to expand the use of rupees and roubles, reducing dependency on the US dollar and easing payment issues.
• Agreements on Labour Mobility and Temporary Work: Pacts were established to enable skilled Indian workers to fill Russia’s labour shortages, creating job opportunities and remittances for India.
• Cooperation Agreements in Healthcare and Medical Research: Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) strengthen joint efforts in medical education, scientific research, pharmaceuticals, and health regulation, including potential anticancer drug production.
• Maritime, Shipping, and Logistics Cooperation Protocols: These protocols, including Arctic route development and postal/e-commerce logistics, aim to improve connectivity and support India’s trade diversification.
• Cultural and Educational Exchanges: Agreements for exhibitions like “India: Fabric of Time” and collaborations (e.g., Space Mirror Lab between universities) were formalised to promote people-to-people ties and soft power.
• Reaffirmation of Defence Cooperation: The focus remains on joint production and technology transfer, with progress on co-production, spare parts, and maintenance support, aligning with India’s self-reliance goals in defence manufacturing.
These outcomes reinforce India’s strategic autonomy, economic resilience, and diversified partnerships amid global pressures, building on the special and privileged strategic relationship.
Backdrop of visit: A close and enduring relationship
The India-Russia bond predates the dissolution of the Soviet Union, tracing back to the 1950s when Jawaharlal Nehru's non-aligned India found in Moscow a crucial counterweight to Western dominance and Pakistan's alignment with the U.S. The 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation proved decisive during India's war with Pakistan, with Soviet naval deployments deterring U.S. intervention in the Bay of Bengal.
This era laid the foundation for unparalleled defence cooperation, with Soviet-era platforms like the MiG-21s, T-72 tanks, and nuclear submarines such as the INS Chakra bolstering India's armed forces. Post-1991, Russia seamlessly inherited this legacy. Despite India's economic liberalisation and outreach to the West, Moscow continued to supply over 60% of India's military hardware by the 2010s. Key acquisitions include Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighters, T-90 tanks and the co-development of BrahMos supersonic missiles; the latter represents a jewel of joint innovation.
Beyond hardware, technology transfers have empowered India's indigenous production, covering everything from Kilo-class submarines to the Akula nuclear-powered vessels leased in 2012. This trust also extended to civilian nuclear energy, with Russia's Rosatom building the Kudankulam plant, which has been operational since 2013 and is a major source of power for India.
Quantitatively, bilateral trade has dramatically increased from $1 billion in 2000 to over $65 billion in 2024, largely driven by the discounted Russian oil purchased after the Ukraine invasion. Qualitatively, the relationship is institutionalised through annual summits and the 2+2 dialogue involving foreign and defence ministers. President Putin himself has visited India 18 times since 2000, signifying a strong personal rapport with successive Indian prime ministers.
Present realities: Balancing Ukraine's shadow with pragmatic gains
President Putin's visit occurred amid Russia's continuing invasion of Ukraine, a continuing development that has fractured Europe's post-Cold War order. Western sanctions, involving numerous measures, have frozen $300 billion in Russian central bank assets and barred technology exports, consequently pushing Moscow toward Asia.
India, abstaining from UN votes condemning Russia and refusing to impose sanctions, exemplifies its "multi-alignment" doctrine. Regular phone calls by India’s Prime Minister to the Russian President underscore India's efforts to mediate and bring the war to a close.
However, India's stance has drawn Western ire. The U.S. has warned of secondary sanctions on Indian firms purchasing Russian oil. Russian oil now constitutes 40% of India's imports, up from 2% pre-war, saving India an estimated $10 billion annually amid Brent crude volatility. Reportedly, India is now reducing its purchases of Russian oil.
Defence deals persist, notably the delivery of the $5.4 billion S-400 Triumph systems, which shield Indian skies despite threats of U.S. CAATSA sanctions. Joint ventures, such as the once-planned FGFA fifth-generation fighter and the successful BrahMos exports to the Philippines, highlight the resilience of their defence partnership. Economically, Russia is a critical supplier, providing 20% of India's fertiliser needs, essential for food security, particularly when monsoons falter.
During the visit, expectations focused on new pacts, including co-producing Su-57 fighters, upgrading the INS Vikramaditya carrier, and collaboration on the RU-486 satellite. The nations aim to achieve a trade volume of $100 billion by 2030, with a focus on implementing rupee-rouble mechanisms to circumvent exclusion from the SWIFT system. Cultural ties also remain strong, with 25,000 Indian students studying in Russia and enduring Bollywood-Russian cinema swaps.
For Russia, India is a vital lifeline. While China dominates Moscow's post-sanctions trade (with a 40% share), India offered diversification, buying 1.5 million barrels of oil daily and hosting BRICS summits. Putin praised India's G20 leadership for excluding language on the Ukraine war, positioning both countries as Global South voices against "unipolarity".
Ukraine's ripple effects: India's tightrope walk
The Russia-Ukraine war tests India's diplomacy like never before. Refusing to supply arms to Ukraine preserves Russian goodwill and avoids escalation risks. Nevertheless, India joins over 50 nations in providing non-lethal aid to Kyiv, including 100 tons of medicine, while also importing Ukrainian sunflower oil.
This equidistance has caused friction with the West, with the Biden administration having labelled India's position as "neutrality". However, India’s membership in the Quad and its iCET technology pact with the U.S., which includes $20 billion in defence deals, demonstrate its diversification.
Geopolitically, the war amplifies Indo-Pacific stakes. Russia's increasing alignment with China—exemplified by joint exercises near Taiwan—is a point of alarm for India, which is in a continuing stand-off with China along their 3,500 km border. Yet, Moscow’s veto of the UNSC criticism of China on Doklam in 2017 also strained their ties. India's strategy to counteract this involves bolstering the Quad, seeking AUKUS observer status, and engaging in EU free trade talks. These actions have helped reduce Russia’s share of India's defence dependency from 70% in the 1990s to 45% today, with acquisitions like Rafale jets and Apache helicopters.
Putin's visit reaffirms the "special and privileged" status of the partnership. Discussions reportedly covered Arctic energy, investment in the Chabahar port, and the International North-South Corridor (INSTC), which is projected to cut Iran-Europe transit time by 40%.
Future horizons: opportunities amid evolving challenges
Looking ahead, India-Russia ties face challenges but hold the promise of renewal. While Russia's war economy sustains arms output with a 3% GDP growth in 2024, sanctions continue to erode quality. India, in response, is accelerating its "Atmanirbhar Bharat" initiative, aiming to indigenise 70% of defence procurement through programs like the Tejas fighters and Brahmos missiles.
Future co-production targets include the hypersonic BrahMos-II and the S-500 air defence system. In energy, the pivot is toward Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG), with Russia's Yamal project supplying 10 million tons yearly, and nuclear energy, with plans for six more Kudankulam units by 2035. Space cooperation is also significant, involving Gaganyaan cosmonaut training in Star City and joint lunar missions. Economically, Russian investments in Andaman refineries and rare earths are seen as a counter to China's mineral dominance.
However, challenges loom. Russia's growing dependence on China risks India becoming a junior partner. The ongoing drag of the Ukraine conflict could limit Moscow's bandwidth, and escalation risks (such as NATO involvement) imperil supplies. India's westward economic tilt, driven by its aim to become a $5 trillion economy by 2027, necessitates careful hedging.
Nevertheless, synergies abound. Both nations cooperate on combating terrorism, climate change (Arctic melt opens new routes), and UN reforms. The expansion of BRICS to include members like Egypt and the UAE amplifies their multilateral influence. By 2047, India’s centenary, the ties could evolve into a "civilizational partnership," blending Russia's resources with India's markets and manpower.
Conclusion
President Putin's India visit transcended mere symbolism; it embodied pragmatic realism. In a world marked by Ukraine War-induced fractures—including NATO expansion, energy weaponisation, and supply chain shocks—India-Russia relations serve as a model of endurance.
New Delhi continues to gain access to affordable oil, battle-tested arms, and strategic space, while Moscow secures markets, legitimacy, and an Asian foothold. Critics may decry the India-Russia relationship as moral equivocation, but history suggests that autonomy is a core Indian foreign policy principle: non-alignment birthed the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), and multi-alignment powers India's current heft.
As the U.S.-China rivalry intensifies, India's refusal to pick sides positions it as an independent global pole. The India-Russia partnership, tempered by the forge of global conflict, endures because it serves the sovereign interests of both nations. President Putin departs not just with signed deals, but with affirmation: in the dawn of multipolarity, old friends adapt, balancing legacy with ambition.
(The writer was Vice Chief of the Indian Army)
(The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of THE WEEK)