Statescan

operation-muskan-how-maharashtra-is-tackling-child-trafficking-missing-persons

Sat Mar 28 12:52:03 IST 2026

FOUR YEARS AGO, Maharashtra acquired a deeply troubling distinction. The state was listed by the National Crime Records Bureau as the worst affected in the country in terms of missing women and children. In 2022 alone, 66,467 persons were reported missing, including 5,398 children. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis decided to treat the issue as a priority and appointed additional director general of police Aswati Dorje to lead a coordinated operation focused specifically on tracing missing women and children.

In an interaction with THE WEEK, Dorje, daughter of legendary filmmaker Adoor Gopalakrishnan, said her campaign was part of Operation Muskan, a national initiative to trace missing children. “Since I joined, I made it a point to conduct the operation intensively for at least one month every year and then follow it up regularly. If we find children working in a brick kiln or a roadside dhaba, we immediately check who the child belongs to and whether he or she has been trafficked. Once we locate the family, the child is reunited as per the orders of the Child Welfare Committee,” she said. To make the effort more effective, Dorje has created a network of specialised units across Maharashtra. Today, 49 units deal exclusively with cases of missing women and children. “One officer in every police station is assigned specifically to handle missing cases,” she explained.

According to Dorje, the first 48 hours after a complaint is registered are crucial. Police teams are now trained not only to respond quickly but also to deal with children sensitively once they are traced. “You must understand where the child went and why. If the reason remains unaddressed, there is a strong possibility that the child may go missing again,” she said.

Some children run away because they come from deeply dysfunctional families. Others feel neglected or lonely. In some cases, children are exploited at home and prefer not to return. “In such cases, we submit a report to the Child Welfare Committee explaining why the child should be placed in a child care institution or with a close relative. If there is an exploitative situation at home, it is better to place the child in a child care institution,” she said.

In recent years, the police have noticed a worrying new trend. Increasingly, children are going missing because of online relationships. “Many children now befriend people online. These strangers start praising them, grooming them and eventually luring them away from home,” Dorje said.

She recalled a case in which the police rescued a teenage girl from a railway platform while she was asking strangers for help to travel to Rajasthan. She had befriended a man online who had persuaded her to run away. “Her father is a farmer. She ran away with Rs50,000 that her father had received after selling his soybean crop. When we spoke to her, she broke down. We told her parents not to scold her,” Dorje said.

The problem, she said, has worsened since the Covid pandemic. The widespread use of smartphones has made children more vulnerable to online manipulation. Many of those who run away eventually end up working as cheap labour, particularly in the catering industry.

Fadnavis, commenting on the work of Dorje and her team, informed the state legislature that the unit’s efforts had led to a 10 per cent increase in the number of missing women and girls being reunited with their families over the past year. “In the first year, around 55–60 per cent of missing women were traced. By the end of the third year, this figure rose to nearly 90 per cent. The government will not stop this operation until all missing women are found.” He said the situation had improved significantly in the case of missing children as well. “We have now reached a stage where 96–97 per cent of missing children are being traced and reunited with their families.”

The police have also begun to study the reasons behind missing women more carefully. According to Dorje, the cases broadly fall into two categories: “In more prosperous areas, the number of missing women below 40 is higher. In rural areas, the number is higher among women above 40,” she said. When she asked senior police officers across districts about the trend, she was told that many women above 40 leave home to work as labourers in neighbouring states such as Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. “Some of them find better opportunities and then do not want to return,” she said.

In the case of women below 40, the reasons are often domestic disputes, family pressure or emotional stress. Some leave home because they are unable to cope with household problems, while others leave due to relationships. “If these women do not want to return, we do not force them. We simply ask them to give a written statement in court that they are staying on their own so that we can close the case,” Dorje said.

There are also cases where minor couples run away together, particularly in rural areas. Many of them return only after they turn 18, when they are legally eligible to marry.

An important part of Dorje’s campaign involves what the police call ‘police didis’—women constables who visit schools regularly to counsel children and raise awareness. They speak to students about online safety, trafficking and the risks of running away. She narrated the story of a woman constable in Nagpur who had a vast slum area as part of her beat. “She started karate classes for children and also arranged textbooks for those who wanted to study. After that, the number of children going missing from that area dropped dramatically,” Dorje said.

Behind the statistics, there is a sustained and often quiet effort by hundreds of police officers across Maharashtra. The numbers remain alarming, but the effort to bring missing children and women back home is now more organised, more systematic and, in many cases, more successful than before.

assam-assembly-elections-how-tea-workers-concerns-could-sway-the-vote

Sat Mar 21 11:51:43 IST 2026

Dibrugarh, Guwahati, Barpeta, Nagaon, Tinsukia

As the sun rises over Upper Assam, women fan out across the Mohanbari tea garden, spread over more than 100 hectares in Dibrugarh district. Reena Karmokar’s hands move rapidly, cutting old leaves at an angle to prevent rainwater from damaging the plant. She has been doing this for 25 years.

Once the fields are pruned, fresh leaves sprout with the onset of the new plucking season in early March. It is also election season in Assam. With the polls scheduled for April 9, the campaign is gathering momentum, bringing narrative wars, development comparisons, communal undercurrents and long-pending demands of tea garden workers into sharp focus.

Assam today has wider roads, more flyovers and visible welfare schemes. Most people in the capital, Guwahati, believe Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma will return with a staggering majority. Sarma, meanwhile, is moving methodically to checkmate the opposition. One strategy is singling out Bengali-speaking Muslims, known as miya Muslims—a time-tested strategy to consolidate the Hindu electorate. “Sarma is focusing on polarising the electorate along religious lines,” says political commentator Sushanta Talukdar. “He uses the miya term often to project them as outsiders. He may be thinking that development alone cannot win the election.”

Among the two dozen women working in the tea garden, most had voted for the BJP last time and many remain inclined to do so this time as well. But Karmokar, a BJP voter for 10 years, says people like her are suffering because of low wages. “Can anyone today fulfil basic needs on Rs250 a day?” she asks. “We have to pay school fees for our children, eat and save for the future. We have been demanding at least Rs350 a day.” Women like her are thinking about voting against the BJP if their demands—scheduled tribe recognition, legal land ownership rights and higher wages—remain unmet.

Unlike Lower Assam, where politics has increasingly become linked to religion, Upper Assam houses a layered mix of castes, ethnicities and a Muslim population of less than 8 per cent spread unevenly. It is also the epicentre of the long-standing demand for scheduled tribe status by six communities: Tai Ahom, Moran, Matak, Chutia, tea tribes and Koch-Rajbongshi. Of the 126 assembly seats, 45 are in Upper Assam and the NDA had swept the region in 2021: the BJP alone won 38—close to 60 per cent of the 64 seats it eventually won in the state.

Political analyst Madan Mohan Jha believes the numbers could be different this time. “If the Congress and allies fight a well-coordinated battle, they can challenge the BJP,” he says.

Despite Assam having a Muslim population of about 35 per cent, the community’s influence is limited by demographic concentration and fragmented voting patterns. Before the 2023 delimitation, Muslims dominated around 30 seats and held decisive influence in another 10. Now Muslim domination is limited to just over 20 seats. Sarma’s polarising approach could subtly project Congress as a Muslim party. Bijoy Gogoi of Dibrugarh University feels the move could help the BJP in Hindu belts where there is anti-incumbency.

The BJP has an advantage at the grassroots level, too. BJP leaders with organisational roles are clear about their targets and responsibilities. Congress leaders seem focused on broader national narratives, like allegations of “vote chori”, leaving the BJP ahead in data gathering and strategy implementation.

The BJP claims a cadre presence in more than 24,000 of 29,656 booths across Assam, with at least 15 active members in each. Though it lacks cadre strength in Muslim-majority areas, there is hope that the government’s performance will be seen favourably. “We are also focusing on building cadre in those areas,” says BJP state general secretary Pallav Lochan.

In contrast, a majority of Congress booth units are under-equipped and operationally weak. Sarma had taken many experienced Congress leaders with him to the BJP. As Debashish Chandra, a resident of Nagaon district, puts it: “BJP flags and workers are everywhere, but Congress presence is hardly noticeable.”

Congress leaders privately admit that the election hinges on broad-based alliances. Raijor Dal chief Akhil Gogoi told THE WEEK that a united opposition could have produced a visible churn on the ground. “Usually, a big party initiates negotiations with smaller parties,” he says. “But, in Assam, smaller parties are trying to initiate unity. But Congress leaders are a little reluctant. I am hearing that Congress is not targeting 2026, but 2031.” The RD apparently pulled out of the alliance after the Congress refused to cede Dhing constituency, held by the All India United Democratic Front.

The BJP-led alliance looks more sorted and agenda-driven, but Congress state president Gaurav Gogoi says the BJP is facing internal battles. “There are competing camps—Sarma’s and Sarbananda Sonowal’s—with many seats where both have aspirants, and besides those from the [ally] Asom Gana Parishad,” he says. The BJP, he says, will have trouble holding together the Bodo People’s Front and the United People’s Party Liberal in the Bodoland Territorial Region. “We [are] far ahead in alliance preparation,” he says. “I want to make every decision deliberately.”

According to Lurinjyoti Gogoi, president of the Assam Jatiya Parishad, the Congress should show some urgency. “It is easy to ally with parties, but vote transfer is a major issue,” he says. “So, they should finalise the alliance immediately and bring clarity on seats so that we can move together.”

Within the Congress, Gogoi is perceived by some as not easily accessible when compared with Debabrata Saikia, an established leader with strong roots in Assam politics. Insiders say Saikia, the leader of the opposition in the assembly, has the backing of more than a dozen MLAs and is wary of Gogoi’s growing influence.

Also, AICC general secretary and Assam in-charge Bhawar Jitendra Singh and Gogoi are yet to find the right balance to work together.

The influence of former Congress ally AIUDF over a section of Muslims complicates things further. Says AIUDF’s Dubhri MLA Nazrul Hoque: “We want all the anti-BJP parties to come together, but the Congress does not seem interested as they think the Hindu votes in Upper Assam will be affected.”

Notably, many Muslims, across districts, say they are unlikely to vote for the AIUDF, whose influence appears to be declining after failing to effectively represent Muslim interests. This could be to the benefit of the Congress.

There is broad agreement that Assam has witnessed rapid development. However, former law enforcement officer and political commentator Ezaz Hazarika notes that much of this has been concentrated around Guwahati. “What could keep the electorate firmly connected with the BJP, beyond visible infrastructure, are the welfare schemes,” he says.

The Orunodoi scheme provides a monthly direct benefit transfer of Rs1,250 to more than 38 lakh women—one of the largest such initiatives in the state’s history. Those who submit LPG connection documents receive an additional Rs250 for cooking fuel. The Mukhya Mantri Mahila Udyamita Abhiyan (Lakhpati Baideo initiative) provides seed capital of Rs10,000 to women in self-help groups to start microenterprises, with additional support contingent on progress. Nijut Moina Asoni supports girls from the higher secondary to the university level with monthly financial assistance.

A sitting legislator admits that these would have been of no help had the elections been held closer to Zubeen Garg’s death. Hindus and Muslims, Bengalis and Assamese, the young and the old, all speak of him as the “cultural heartbeat of Assam”. Shyamkanu Mahanta, the organiser of the North East India Festival where Garg was scheduled to perform, was charged with criminal conspiracy. Mahanta was widely perceived as being close to Sarma and there are claims that the chief minister initially sought to protect him before turning against him. This fuelled public outrage towards Sarma, which subsided after he constituted a special investigation team and publicly stated Garg had been murdered.

Nasir Rehman, Garg’s neighbour on Zoo Road, where the singer had his studio, believes the anger is fading. “There is still an undercurrent; he remains an issue, but not for long,” he says.

The BJP enters the contest with power, precision and a formidable ground presence. The Congress leans on legacy and a promise of secular balance, but carries a visible uncertainty.

i-dont-see-bjps-cult-like-operation-as-aspirational-gaurav-gogoi

Sat Mar 21 11:46:29 IST 2026

Interview/ Gaurav Gogoi, state Congress president, Assam

Q/ What are the core principles that guide your political decision making?

A/ It is entrenched in the values passed on to me by my father (Tarun Gogoi, former chief minister), combined with a sense of modernity and understanding of what the youth wants. It keeps evolving. Assam is diverse with many different communities, each with different aspirations. To unite that diversity, leadership is something I continue to work on.

Q/ The BJP has clarity on what people in each position have to do, while the Congress doesn’t seem to have that structure. How do you address that?

A/ I don’t see the BJP’s machine-like, cult-like operation as aspirational. The Congress is a party of individuals, each having the right to their own opinion and the right to express it. That’s how we learn, by listening to diverse opinions. That’s what makes us richer and has helped us guide different states and the nation over decades.

The BJP’s way is top-down, where people have no right to express their opinion. That’s why you get ghastly decisions like demonetisation, president’s rule in Manipur and the fracturing of the geopolitical neighbourhood.

Q/ What is the rationale behind not aligning with the AIUDF?

A/ The reality of the AIUDF was revealed by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma in an interview—his friendship with the AIUDF leader and how he would dictate certain political decisions that the AIUDF would later take. Looking back at 2021, when the Congress and the AIUDF came together for the first time, we realised how the AIUDF sabotaged us right towards the end, amplifying slogans that the BJP was raising against us.

Traditionally, the Congress and the AIUDF have remained poles apart. It was only in 2021 that we experimented, and then realised that they act at the behest of the chief minister. Therefore, any question of alliance is absolutely out of the question.

The people of Assam have wised up to the AIUDF. In the last Lok Sabha polls, their leader lost in his own constituency to a Congress candidate by 10 lakh votes. People in AIUDF-strong areas want a stronger Congress because they believe the Congress can take on the BJP.

Q/ Your supporters in the party say you work silently. How did you win the Lok Sabha seat when the BJP was trying everything to defeat you?

A/ I’m a low-key person. I don’t like to blow my own horn. I prefer having active decision-makers and active citizens rather than subjects. That’s a different strategy from the BJP, which treats people as subjects who should do as they’re told, take government scheme benefits and then lose their right to criticise.

My approach is about strengthening democracy. I work more with people in smaller groups and lean on them because they’re able to organise in ways that even a political party cannot. That approach worked for me in the Lok Sabha [elections].

Q/ At the same time, some say it’s hard to reach out to you, that there’s not much response. Would this impact the Congress’s coordination?

A/ If I was extremely aloof, people wouldn’t be supporting me. Of course, one would always like to be more accessible. There’s sometimes truth in it, and sometimes spin put on it by political competitors. It’s important to lean on technology to listen to people, meet them in groups and take feedback constructively.

Q/ Is there a possibility of an alliance with the Trinamool Congress, which has some influence in the Barak Valley?

A/ No chance. I don’t think we align with them in West Bengal, and outside West Bengal, at least in Assam, I don’t see them having a major role.

Q/ The Congress’s seats have been somewhat the same since 2016.

A/ If you look at patterns from 1999, from 2001 to 2016, the Congress used to do very well in Dibrugarh, Tinsukia, Jorhat, Sivasagar, Lakhimpur and Biswanath. We’re trying to regain territory we lost post-2016. It’s not about gaining, but regaining. We need to continuously reach out and regain their trust as a viable alternative to the present regime.

Q/ Can the Congress regain territory in Upper Assam?

A/ Because of the chief minister’s own loopholes and failures, there are gains to be made across Assam. In Upper Assam, where the Congress was traditionally strong, and in the tea garden areas, we can regain ownership.

In the recent tribal council elections in the Kokrajhar BTR region, communities that traditionally voted for the BJP moved away. There is tremendous resentment in tribal-dominated areas because close to 13,000 acres have been transferred to big companies like Adani, Ambani and Patanjali. [This is] land protected under the Sixth Schedule. The chief minister colluded with local tribal council cronies to sign away this land. There’s resentment against this leadership in all parts of Assam.

Q/ Political analysts say the Congress has been unable to build on the Zubeen Garg issue.

A/ We don’t want to politicise Zubeen Garg—Zubeen is beyond politics. Our aim is to pay tribute to this great son of Assam who revived Assamese music and cinema, taught people to look after wildlife and ecology, and inspired us with his vast knowledge from reading thousands of books.

Second, we stand by his family seeking truth about what led to his death. It’s unfortunate that while in the Singapore courts it is called an accidental death, the Assam police (SIT, constituted by Sarma) call it murder, but haven’t provided concrete evidence. More sinister are attempts by certain BJP elements to tarnish Zubeen’s character, which we won’t allow.

It’s unfortunate that the prime minister has spent four days in Assam on different occasions but deliberately avoided going to Zubeen’s memorial or meet the family. Recently, the family had to write to him seeking justice—three months later, they’re no closer to the truth.

Q/ The chief minister has questioned Priyanka Gandhi’s role in Assam, pointing to elections in Kerala (she is the Wayanad MP). How do you respond?

A/ Assam is known for wise, educated, soft-spoken people; for tea, rhinos, Bihu dance, silk and sportspersons. It’s unfortunate that now Assam is known for the muck that comes out of Himanta Biswa Sarma’s mouth.…

Priyanka Gandhi’s appointment shows the Congress’s seriousness about the Assam elections. We have one of our tallest leaders as the screening committee chairperson; she’ll be a star campaigner. We also have the Karnataka deputy chief minister, former Chhattisgarh chief minister, and former Jharkhand minister appointed here. This shows how seriously the Congress leadership in Delhi treats these elections. As Assam Congress president, I’m grateful for their support.

Q/ When is Rahul Gandhi's yatra going to start?

A/ It would be presumptuous to call it a yatra—his presence can take many forms. The appointment of key leaders has his stamp of approval. After AICC observers were appointed, our first meeting decided to have zonal conventions of party workers. Within days, we organised four successful zonal conventions over three-four days, with two more planned on March 27 and 28.

We’re working closely with the AICC leadership.

illegal-immigration-remains-a-major-concern-pradhan-baruah

Sat Mar 21 11:40:49 IST 2026

Interview/ Pradan Baruah, BJP MP

PRADAN BARUAH, CONVENOR of the BJP’s election management committee in Assam, says the Congress-led opposition alliance is banking on an electoral arithmetic that rarely works. “Party workers need to be trained in a certain way to make the alliance a formidable force,” said the Lok Sabha MP. “Having 30 per cent [Muslims] and 20 per cent from another community [is not enough] for an alliance to think there will be resonance on ground.”

Excerpts:

Q/ What will be the key issues anchoring the BJP’s campaign?

A/ Development will be our main issue. Over the past ten years, especially in the last five, Assam has seen significant progress. GDP growth has improved, employment opportunities have increased, and governance has become more transparent. Around 1.56 lakh jobs have been given without controversy.

Q/ Illegal immigration from Bangladesh remains a sensitive issue. Is this also linked to protecting Assamese culture and identity?

A/ Yes, absolutely. Protecting Assamese culture, land and identity is very important. We have taken firm action against illegal encroachments. In areas like Nagaon and Barpeta, land linked to cultural and religious heritage, including the birthplace associated with Srimanta Sankardeva, had been encroached upon. Those encroachments were removed. Nearly two lakh acres have been reclaimed.

Q/ There are reports of unease among Bodo parties like Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) and United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL). How is the BJP managing coalition dynamics?

A/ We are running the government in Bodoland with BPF; UPPL is also part of the political alliance…. Issues arise from time to time, but we are in constant dialogue with both the parties and are confident of resolving them.

Q/ The Congress claims a united opposition alliance can defeat the BJP.

A/ Alliances on paper do not automatically convert to votes. Vote shares do not simply add up. Ground realities are different; people make independent choices. Such alliances rarely work the way they are projected. One needs to train workers in a certain way to make the alliance work.

Q/ There is speculation about lack of coordination between the chief minister and the state BJP leadership. Does this affect the party?

A/ No. The BJP functions through a structured system guided by the national leadership. When something is decided at the national level, it lands with people in the state. Decisions are then taken collectively and implemented at all levels.

Q/ There is churn among tea garden workers in Upper Assam. Could unmet demands affect support for the BJP?

A/ Tea garden workers are happy now. Earlier, many lacked permanent addresses. The government has provided land rights, roads, drinking water, schools, housing and socioeconomic schemes. Development has reached every garden. Demands will always exist, but that does not mean dissatisfaction.

Q/ What about the demand from six communities for granting scheduled tribe status?

A/ This is a constitutional process, not a political one. Recommendations were passed in the assembly and sent to the government of India. The BJP government is taking this issue forward sincerely, but such processes take time.

Q/ Is illegal immigration still a core concern for Assam’s voters?

A/ Yes, it remains a major concern as Assam is a border state, and everyone is affected. Border fencing is underway, though it is not yet complete, particularly along the Bengal side. There are still vulnerable points where infiltration happens.

from-education-to-economy-key-takeaways-from-the-week-tamil-nadu-leadership-summit

Fri Mar 06 16:36:53 IST 2026

CHENNAI

VISIONARY LEADERS ARE like time travellers. They borrow from tomorrow to guide today. For Chief Minister M.K. Stalin—a key force behind Tamil Nadu becoming one of India’s leading state economies—being a visionary is not about personal ambition.

Inaugurating the Tamil Nadu Leadership Summit organised by THE WEEK at Taj Coromandel in Chennai on March 2, Stalin said his vision was inseparable from the aspirations of the state and its people. Heading into an election season with confidence, Stalin said that his government had driven a transformation in social infrastructure and human development through its focus on education, health care and women’s welfare. Tamil Nadu, said Stalin, was steadily progressing towards a one-trillion-dollar economy by expanding industrial hubs and spreading high-tech jobs beyond major cities.

“We are not only ahead in growth, but also on the Human Development Index, which is our real pride,” Stalin said before heading to Nandambakkam to inaugurate a Rs249 crore fintech tower.

For such a development model to endure, leaders across sectors must inspire the next generation. THE WEEK summit served as a platform to do so, bringing together political leaders, policymakers, thinkers and innovators to exchange ideas, map the future and debate challenges.

Addressing a predominantly Gen Z audience during a panel discussion, actor-filmmaker and Rajya Sabha member Kamal Haasan spoke about the need for an education system that prioritises a person’s life goals while equipping them with relevant skills. “I still call myself a student—not out of humility, but necessity,” he said. “I must keep learning and building skills. I studied in many places; the difference was that those ‘schools’ did not charge fees. They even supported my living while teaching me.”

State School Education Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi, also on the panel, acknowledged that reform cannot happen overnight, but said the government had taken significant steps to align education with contemporary needs. “Testing skills and comprehension will matter more in the future. Our education policy is moving towards this understanding-based approach,” he said, citing initiatives such as TN Spark that promote learning suited for an AI-driven era.

Periyar E.V. Ramasamy’s anti-caste and self-respect ideals remain central to the Dravidian model of development championed by the Stalin government. Chennai South MP Thamizhachi Thangapandian noted that measures such as equal property rights were envisioned decades ago and later translated into law. Current welfare schemes for women, she argued, were not mere “freebies” but extensions of that social justice legacy aimed at structural transformation.

The summit also featured discussions that warned of growing centralisation, linguistic and cultural impositions, and challenges to Indian federalism.

Rajya Sabha member and former Union finance minister P. Chidambaram criticised the BJP’s “double-engine government” narrative, calling it antithetical to federalism and the democratic will of the states. “Those ruling in Delhi seem to believe that even if there are two engines, there must be only one engineer,” he said. “I reject that.”

Former chief economic adviser Arvind Subramanian said India’s federal structure was under increasing strain, driven not only by politics but also by the widening economic divergence between states. The cooperative federalism envisioned at independence, he said, was now being tested. “From an amicable union, we risk moving towards a distrustful one,” he said.

During a conversation with Riyad Mathew, Chief Associate Editor and Director of THE WEEK, Tamil Nadu IT Minister Palanivel Thiaga Rajan revealed that during his time in the GST Council, representatives from some NDA-ruled states privately admitted they could not openly speak in their state’s interest because of the “double-engine” dynamic. He said that public funds were being “weaponised”, arguing that BJP-ruled states often received greater financial support, “but at the cost of independent thinking”.

Rajya Sabha member John Brittas, from Kerala, echoed concerns over centralisation, saying that MPs from Kerala and Tamil Nadu had developed a stronger sense of collaboration because “Damocles’s sword hangs over us in the form of the proposed delimitation”.

Mathew Kuzhalnadan, MLA from Kerala’s Muvattupuzha, noted that although the Constitution mandates delimitation based on population, it had been deferred since the 1970s to preserve federal balance. Penalising southern states for successful population control and development, he warned, would be unjust.

Language politics also took centre stage. Lok Sabha member Kanimozhi Karunanidhi argued that attempts to impose a third language risked eroding history, culture and identity. She pointed to disparities in Central funding allocations for Sanskrit compared with Tamil, for instance. At the same time, she noted that these debates had revived interest among young people in Tamil identity and leaders such as Periyar.

Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin, in a combative address, placed the state’s youth at the heart of the Dravidian movement’s future. In a pointed remark, he noted that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had addressed a recent event in Tamil Nadu in English despite often speaking Hindi elsewhere. “That is Tamil Nadu’s impact,” he said. “The DMK is not afraid of ED or Modi... We belong to the Dravidian stock... and we will stand strong. We will resist. We will never surrender.”

Beyond politics, the summit also had sessions on topics ranging from artificial intelligence to culture. A key discussion brought together Cecil Sundar, who heads Data and AI at Microsoft, and Sasikumar Gendham, president of the Electronic Industries Association of India. Sundar noted that the widespread availability of advanced AI models had created a rare opportunity for India to build innovative products and scale them globally.

The summit also hosted sessions on public health advances in Tamil Nadu, featuring speakers such as Dr Ilankumaran Kaliamoorthy, CEO of Apollo Hospitals, Chennai; Rajya Sabha member Dr Kanimozhi NVN Somu; and Dr Sunil Chandy, former director of CMC Vellore and medical director, ITC Healthcare.

why-yamuna-river-remains-foul-despite-a-new-guard-in-delhi-that-promised-change

Sat Feb 28 16:45:00 IST 2026

ON FEBRUARY 20 last year, Rekha Gupta performed a Yamuna aarti at Vasudev Ghat as she began her tenure as Delhi’s chief minister, after the BJP returned to power in the national capital after 27 years. Cleaning of the Yamuna was a major poll promise.

A year later, she marked the anniversary with a visit to the Marghat Wale Hanuman temple in Yamuna Bazaar. The Yamuna again featured prominently as she presented her government’s report card on February 20 this year.

“Cleaning the Yamuna was a legacy problem,” she said. “When we took over, it was evident that the previous government did not pay much attention to the river.”

However, between those two moments lies a more complicated story.

Promises & performances

In her maiden budget speech last year, the chief minister announced the construction of 40 decentralised sewage treatment plants (STPs) for Rs500 crore to curb the flow of untreated sewage flowing into the river, a key reason for the pollution. She also promised upgrades to existing treatment facilities. Another Rs40 crore was earmarked for trash skimmers, weed harvesters and dredgers, and Rs200 crore for restoring the Najafgarh drain, which is among the Yamuna’s largest sources of contamination. Meanwhile, Water Minister Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma set a three-year timeline for restoring the river’s health.

“When we came to power, the (sewage treatment) capacity was around 700 million gallons per day. In the past one year, it has increased to around 800MGD,” said Gupta, while presenting the one-year report card. She added that 28 of 37 STPs had been upgraded and 22,000 metric tonnes of silt removed through massive desilting operations. Also, drone surveys and tapping of all drains had been completed, she said.

“Sewage treatment capacity has increased from 764MGD to 814MGD, 50MGD more. Several drains have been desilted. Work has been done on the ground,” said Yamuna activist Pankaj Kumar, who has worked on the river issue through his organisation Earth Warriors since 2019. “However, work has always been done, ever since the Yamuna Action Plan came into being in 1993. The real question is whether there has been an impact.”

Stench stays

Along the 22km stretch from Wazirabad to Okhla, where 22 drains empty into the river, the Yamuna looks much the same it has for years. At the mouth of the Najafgarh drain near the Signature Bridge, dark water continues to flow. Toxic foam floats in clusters at the Kalindi Kunj ghat. And at ITO ghat, a strong stench lingers, making it difficult to even stand 200m from the river.

It is close to sunset at ITO ghat. Worshippers come and go, immersing flowers, fruits and ashes into the river. Some leave behind plastic bags that carried the offerings; they drift slowly into the river water. A Delhi government board nearby reads: “It is a humble request, please do not immerse puja materials or havan offerings in the Yamuna river.” A weed harvester stands idle on the bank. Meanwhile, the stench hangs in the air.

“The situation hasn’t improved over the past year. You can see the machine there—it is lying idle,” said Ashok Upadhyaya, pointing to the weed harvester. He is CEO of Friends of Yamuna, a non-profit that works on restoring the river’s ecological and cultural significance. He runs cleanup drives at ITO ghat and conducts aarti in the evenings. Through a microphone, he urges visitors not to dump waste along the riverbank. “Ministers come, pick trash, with cameras around them,” he said.

Boatman Lambu, 70, has lived his entire life along the river at Kalindi Kunj ghat. “At one point, we would drink Yamuna’s water,” he recalled. “Now it smells so bad you can’t even breathe here.” Little has changed over the past year, he said, and that there is “more for the show” than real outcomes.

According to Bhim Singh Rawat of the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People, the situation, rather than improving, has further deteriorated. “The river governance, which was already in a poor state, has worsened,” he said.

Gaps in data

Rawat points to the Delhi Pollution Control Board (DPCC), which publishes monthly analyses of the Yamuna’s water quality. “Since October, we have been seeing delays,” he said.

The reports for November and December were released late. January’s analysis is yet to be made public.

“Earlier, whatever the condition of the river, the DPCC would at least put the data out in public,” said Rawat. “If you are serious about cleaning the Yamuna, you have to begin by analysing what’s wrong, what interventions are being made and what outcomes they are producing. Instead, the data is being withheld.”

Notably, in her budget speech last year, the Delhi chief minister had announced 32 real-time water quality monitoring stations, “equipped with advanced sensors that will constantly monitor the contamination level in the water”.

Festival free pass

Kumar said another problem is what the government conveys to the public.

Ahead of the Chhath Puja, Delhi BJP president Virendra Sachdeva had claimed that the river had seen a sharp drop in pollution and was clean enough for ritual sipping. “How is that possible? And if it was fit then, why is it dirty now?” asked Kumar.

Added Rawat: “In previous years, because pollution levels were so high, the High Court had banned Chhath celebrations on the Yamuna. This government not only allowed them, it actively facilitated them on an unprecedented scale. That raises serious questions about its intentions.”

During Chhath Puja last October, ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections, the flow of water was increased sharply from the upstream Hathnikund Barrage and the government sprayed large quantities of defoaming agents to curb the toxic froth.

The flow into the Yamuna rose from about 10 cubic metres per second (cumecs) on the evening of October 20 to over 260 cumecs by the following night, as per reports. Defoaming, which usually lasts about two weeks around Chhath, continued for nearly two months.

“We were spraying chemicals for two months during Chhath,” said boatman Lambu, pointing towards his boats, now lying idle.

“And it wasn’t the entire river,” added Kumar. “Just a few metres along the ghats. Large quantities of defoamers were sprayed. These chemicals take time to break down. Until then, the residue floats on the surface, blocking oxygen exchange and harming aquatic life.”

The government should have said that the measures were undertaken specifically for Chhath, rather than projecting them as signs of overall improvement in the Yamuna, said Kumar. “The intent seems to be to show the public that something is being done, rather than to actually fix the problem,” he said.

Notably, during Chhath last year, an artificial pond filled with water from the Ganga was created for VVIPs to perform rituals, indicating that despite large-scale interventions, the Yamuna remained unfit for direct use.

Meanwhile, in January, the river saw yet another spike in ammonia levels, pushing parts of the city towards a water crisis. At least six water treatment plants were forced to temporarily shut down, triggering supply disruptions across Delhi. The episode underscored the city’s vulnerability: the Yamuna remains a major source of Delhi’s drinking water, and meets nearly 40 per cent of its total water demand.

Reviving a river

Even as the river remains in a dire state, the government has planned a Rs20-crore Yamuna cruise project, upstream of the Wazirabad Barrage between Sonia Vihar and Jagatpur.

However, during the non-monsoon months from October to June, the flow in the Yamuna drops drastically. “In several stretches, the depth falls to less than a metre. A cruise vessel requires far more depth to operate,” said Rawat.

“Water is not a source of entertainment,” added Upadhyaya. “Instead of launching a cruise, the priority should be ensuring that people do not fall sick because of polluted water.”

River rejuvenation isn’t being seen from a holistic, sustainable way, observed Rawat. “Rather, projects such as the river cruise, along with the celebrations and gaps in the data, are adversely impacting the Yamuna,” he said.

Yet another pitch

While presenting the one-year report card, Gupta said that the government will construct 12 new sewage treatment plants at an estimated cost of Rs7,200 crore, noting that the government aims to increase the city’s total sewage treatment capacity to 1,500MGD.

She further said major overhauls have been planned for the drains, and that the Delhi government is in talks with neighbouring states to increase the flow in the Yamuna.

Meanwhile, in a reply in the Rajya Sabha in February, the ministry of Jal Shakti, department of water resources, river development and Ganga rejuvenation, noted, “A total expenditure of Rs6,151.28 crore has been incurred for pollution abatement and cleaning of the Yamuna river in Delhi during the last five years, from 2020-2021 to 2024-2025.”

Budgets have been spent in the past, and interventions done. “But you also need to see the outcome you are getting, and share the same with the public in the form of data,” said Rawat.

The BJP came to power in Delhi with cleaning the Yamuna as one of its central promises. Yet, recent statements suggest that the timeline for restoration remains inconsistent.

Addressing the inauguration of projects in Delhi worth Rs1,816 crore with a large part aimed at rejuvenating the river, Union Home Minister Amit Shah said in October that Prime Minister Narendra Modi “has promised that the work to clean the Yamuna will be completed before the Lok Sabha elections in 2029”. He added that “under the PM’s leadership, a plan to clean the Yamuna up to Prayagraj within the next seven months has been prepared”.

The Yamuna, meanwhile, waits—frothy, foul yet flowing.

how-6000-cameras-and-real-time-ai-are-revolutionizing-pilgrim-management-at-tirumala-temple

Sat Feb 28 17:53:58 IST 2026

Before dawn breaks over Tirumala’s sacred hills, thousands of barefoot pilgrims are already on the move. Some carry nothing more than a small cloth bundle containing an extra set of clothes. For generations, devotion at the abode of Lord Venkateswara demanded patience and endurance. A darshan could take two hours—or 26. One had to surrender to uncertainty.

Today, something is quietly reshaping this ancient rhythm. Behind a discreet door inside the Vaikuntam Queue Complex, banks of glowing screens track every pause and surge of pilgrim movement. Algorithms predict congestion before it forms. Cameras count heads, flag suspicious behaviour, and trace missing persons. Tirumala, one of the world’s most visited Hindu pilgrimage centres, is now using artificial intelligence to reduce darshan waiting time.

The transformation had its origins thousands of kilometres away in San Francisco, on an October morning in 2024. IT Minister Nara Lokesh was pitching Andhra Pradesh as an investment destination for global tech giants. He also met a group of non-resident Telugu entrepreneurs to explore how AI could be applied to public services. After the meeting, Lokesh asked Jayaprasad Vejendla, a technologist who had spent nearly three decades in the US: could AI be used to improve the darshan experience at Tirumala?

Vejendla had no immediate answer. A few weeks later, a “flash” struck him. Without planning, he booked a ticket to India. “I walked the foothills to reach Tirumala, stood in the queue, waited for hours and had darshan,” he says. “I wanted to feel what devotees feel.”

The experience was revelatory. All pilgrims had the same requirements: darshan, accommodation, food, sanitation, security and medical help. Fewer than 3,000 people lived in Tirumala, but the town hosts between 70,000 and 80,000 pilgrims on ordinary days and more than 1,00,000 on special days. The flows were intense but predictable. If the patterns could be understood, they could be optimised.

After darshan, Vejendla called up Lokesh to share his thoughts. The minister connected him with Ch. Venkaiah Chowdary, the joint executive officer of the Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams (TTD), the trust that manages the shrine. “Don’t try to implement this by just deploying a team here,” Chowdary told him. “You need to stay here—to understand what actually happens on this sacred hill.”

Vejendla stayed back. The next three days, they visited the queue complexes, kitchens, control rooms, security posts and accommodation blocks. He observed how pilgrims were channelled, where bottlenecks formed, how staff made decisions and how information travelled—or failed to travel—across departments. This immersion gave Vejendla a rough idea that could be developed into an AI-powered technology project.

The core problem, according to Lokesh, was the fragmentation of services. Darshan, accommodation, traffic, health services, sanitation and security were managed through disconnected systems. Each department had its own data, but no single platform brought it all together. Decisions were often reactive, based on experience rather than real-time intelligence. Lokesh knew AI could solve this problem.

Vejendla returned to the US and started working on the technical document of the idea. It took him almost five months. Then came the problem of funding. Despite government support, the funding could take time and he would not have free rein during the implementation. Vejendla immediately proposed to raise Rs30 crore through the philanthropic route. Indian-American businessmen Anurag Jain, Srini Raju, Raju Reddy, Ravi Akireddy, Narasimha Raju Indukuru, Lakshmi Narayana Dronamraju and Srikath Pakala donated Rs20 crore within a few weeks, and it was sufficient to start the project.

On September 7, 2025, an unused compartment inside the Vaikuntam Queue Complex was handed over to Vejendla’s team. Within 16 days, the compartment was transformed into a sleek, AI-enabled Integrated Command and Control Centre (ICCC), now serving as the nerve centre of Tirumala’s pilgrim management. Inside the centre, around 30 workstations operate round the clock. Large screens display colour-coded heat maps of crowd density, real-time compartment-wise darshan wait times, queue occupancy, vehicle movement, CCTV alerts, weather inputs and medical emergencies.

Supported by Nvidia-powered graphics processing units, the AI system ingests live feeds from more than 6,000 cameras across Tirumala. Roughly 300 of these are facial-recognition cameras placed at key entry points to count and track pilgrim movement. Bengaluru-based Kloudspot’s Location Intelligence and Situational Awareness (LISA) platform converts raw video into simple, actionable dashboards—heat maps, people counts and alerts—allowing multiple departments to work on a common interface. The system processes about 3.6 lakh data payloads every minute, handles over 51 crore events daily and can generate about 22,000 crore real-time inferences during peak days.

The Vaikuntam Queue Complexes are at the heart of ICCC operations. While Vaikuntam I caters mainly to paid darshan categories such as Arjita Seva and Special Darshan, Vaikuntham II houses the pilgrims of Sarvadarshan, the free darshan used by the majority of people. Together, they contain over 62 compartments, each capable of holding around 500 devotees. While Vaikuntam I darshans happen smoothly, Sarvadarshan pilgrims have to wait, sometimes more than 24 hours.

To solve this problem, maximum wait time is allocated for the compartments based on their darshan types. For instance, the maximum wait time for Special Darshan compartments is 90 minutes and for Sarvdarshan compartments is eight hours. Once this time is crossed, officials receive alerts to release the pilgrims as early as possible. Thanks to the live monitoring, the Sarvadarshan time has come down to 11 to 13 hours.

The system was stress-tested during the recent 10-day Vaikunta Ekadasi celebrations, which was attended by more than 11 lakh devotees. “The entire TTD team sat at the ICCC, and I could make on-the-spot decisions with the help of live data. We cancelled some of the scheduled darshans to facilitate the overflow of Sarvadarshan pilgrims. Due to these measures, the Sarvadarshan average waiting time came down to nine hours,” says Chowdary.

Movement of the Sarvadarshan pilgrim flow is tracked right from the Alipiri gate (the gateway to Tirumala). Vehicles and people are observed, and their numbers accurately estimated. With the help of the live-tracking, TTD also ensures timely food distribution in the compartments and immediate medical attendance when needed.

The ICCC has not only improved operational efficiency but also strengthened accountability. Vejendla narrates an incident that happened in the initial days of the ICCC. A compartment in the Vaikuntam Queue Complex was kept vacant for more than an hour and a half, even as thousands waited outside. When the ICCC generated an alert, officials called the staff member responsible. He claimed the delay was under 30 minutes. The system provided visual evidence showing otherwise, and the staffer withdrew his claim.

Security, too, has significantly improved. A devotee from Uttar Pradesh was recently troubled by a cab driver after a dispute on Tirumala Ghat Road. Shaken, the man approached the police and filed a complaint, but could only give the last four digits of the car. The police, with the help of the ICCC, traced the car and took the driver into custody in 40 minutes.

The monitoring also helps identify the petty criminals, missing persons and lost luggage, and can flag loitering, pickpocketing and other suspicious behaviour, and match faces against a database of known offenders. Once fully operational, the systems can also identify wanted criminals and generate alerts.

The ICCC currently has 24x7 coverage of the temple town, including human counting and vehicle analytics, and plans to extend the monitoring to laddu counters and accommodation facilities. “This is an evolving project,” Vejendla said, “that would scale up as per requirements.”

can-stalins-pre-poll-welfare-masterstroke-secure-womens-votes-for-dmk

Sat Feb 21 12:46:33 IST 2026

ON FEBRUARY 13, even before the newspaper boys could reach their doorsteps, a bank notification appeared on the phones of 1.31 crore women in Tamil Nadu. “Rs5,000 under the Kalaingar Magalir Urimai Thogai (KMUT) has been credited to your account,” read the message. Under the scheme, launched in September 2023, the state government gives these women Rs1,000 every month. This time, though, it decided to transfer the money for three months in advance, plus a summer bonus of Rs2,000.

In a viral video, Chief Minister M.K. Stalin explained the thought process. “Citing the election as a reason, they (opposition) are trying to block the rightful assistance for three months. Our Dravidian model government has moved ahead of them. This urimai thogai (rightful compensation) was an assurance made by us to the women of Tamil Nadu. Let them creates obstacles, I will not step back.”

Within hours, women queued in front of ATMs across Tamil Nadu. “I was surprised when I reached my branch at 9am,” said K. Murugavel, the branch manager of a national bank in Theni. “There were more than 300 women waiting in front of our ATM.”

Currently, the scheme covers nearly one in four women in the state. As per the draft SIR rolls published in December, there are 5.43 crore voters in Tamil Nadu—2.66 crore women and 2.77 crore men. The DMK believes that its outreach—the scheme covers nearly half the women voters—will translate into votes. Party insiders and senior leaders say the cash transfer could yield a “very positive result” and help mobilise at least 40 per cent of the women between 30 and 70, especially those in villages. It would also, they say, reduce anti-incumbency in certain pockets of the state. “Tamil Nadu remains a welfare state. As our leader anticipated hurdles, we decided to transfer the money for the welfare of women beneficiaries,” Finance Minister Thangam Thennarasu told THE WEEK.

Notably, the latest transfer sets the Stalin government back by Rs6,550 crore in one go. If the DMK retains power, Stalin has promised to double the amount to Rs2,000.

In January, the Pongal hamper for ration card holders (2.2 crore) included a cash component of Rs3,000. Along with the KMUT scheme, this cost the state government Rs13,486 crore, which is a huge burden on the exchequer. As per the state budget, Tamil Nadu’s overall debt crossed Rs9.21 lakh crore as of early 2026.

The costly welfare programmes, reduced Central transfers and a combination of other factors have led to a heavy debt burden on the state. At a meeting in Delhi in January, Thennarasu told the Union government that Tamil Nadu was yet to be allotted Rs3,548 crore under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan for 2024-25 and 2025-26. He also expressed concern that the GST rate rationalisation could lead to a revenue loss of Rs10,000 crore for the state this year.

“We decided to fund the welfare schemes despite this burden as it was a promise given by our chief minister and we did not want to deceive the women,” said Thennarasu. “Because elections are due, people club the money disbursal with it. But we would have incurred the expenses over the next three months as this is being done every month.”

The state government is trying to manage these pressures through increased borrowing, although the fiscal deficit continues to exceed the 3 per cent target. Thennarasu said there was a renewed sense of confidence as the State’s Own Tax Revenue (SOTR) is projected to grow by 14.6 per cent in 2025-2026. The latest economic survey, which the state planning commission presented on February 16, indicates that Tamil Nadu would remain on the growth path.

The burden on the exchequer might be large, but the schemes could ensure that the women do not drift to the DMK’s opponents, or even the new Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, led by actor Vijay. “Our opponents cannot call it political opportunism at this point of time,” said Thennarasu. “If they call it that, the women voters will definitely be offended.”

The focus on women is not new. In 2016, J. Jayalalithaa could retain power only because of the many poll promises she had made, particularly those aimed at women. These included a 50 per cent subsidy on scooters, increased financial aid to pregnant women and also a statewide expansion of special health schemes. Notably, this was the first state election where there were more women voters than men.

“This means women play an important role in shaping results in Tamil Nadu,” said Vignesh Karthik K.R., a postdoctoral research affiliate in Indian and Indonesian politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies. “The small gap in participation between men and women may account partly for the many pro-women legislations and schemes enacted by successive governments. There is an element of electoral compulsion to cater to the needs of a large women electorate.”

More important, the schemes also have to ensure self-dignity as the women in Tamil Nadu are more independent in terms of whom they vote for compared with those in certain other parts of the country. They decide based on not only the welfare schemes, but also on the leader’s charisma and an understanding if the schemes will continue.

The women votes that had consolidated behind Jayalalithaa since the 1990s have always had a strong influence in the state’s rural and semi-urban constituencies. “After Jayalalithaa, it is only Stalin who takes care of women like me,” said Kalavathi Manohar, who works at construction sites. “I get a cash benefit of Rs1,000 every month. And the free bus ride everyday helps me save Rs1,800 a month. My children get breakfast and meals at school. This is more than enough for me to run my family.”

faith-politics-and-revival-the-story-behind-thirunavayas-mahamagha-mahotsavam

Sat Feb 07 12:06:24 IST 2026

It took a while for Pradeep, a 63-year-old occultist belonging to the Paniya tribe, to open up to us. When he did, his words carried the weight of generations. Paniyas, he said, are seen as the lowest of the low. “We are seen as people with no abilities, no knowledge,” he said.

The Paniyas are the largest scheduled tribe in Kerala. Their population is concentrated in Wayanad district, with smaller numbers in Kannur, Kozhikode and Malappuram. The community name is believed to have come from the word pani (work); Paniyas were traditionally bonded agricultural labourers. Legally abolished in 1976, the impact of the old system of feudal bondage is still felt. Pradeep, who has been a “spiritual medium” since he was a child, said Paniyas continued to be slaves even after they were freed.

When THE WEEK met him, Pradeep was at a lodge near the ancient Navamukunda temple at Thirunavaya, on the banks of the river Nila in Malappuram district. The name Thirunavaya is said to have been derived from Thiru Nava Yogi—named after the nine yogis who performed sacrificial rituals there. Pradeep, whose tribe follows animistic and indigenous traditions, had come to perform muthanum muthikkum, a form of worship centred on Mother Nature and ancestors, on the same riverbanks that brahminical rituals had dominated for centuries.

He was invited by Swami Abhinava Balanandabhairava, a Sanskrit scholar and monk who was instrumental in organising the Thirunavaya Mahamagha Mahotsavam. Held from January 19 to February 3, the festival presented itself as a Hindu revivalist event and was branded as the “Kerala Kumbh”.

“The Swami came to my home to invite me,” Pradeep said, before proceeding to perform the ritual. Notably, the Mahamagha Mahotsavam—for which spiritual leader Mata Amritanandamayi is the chief patron—is pushing long-marginalised rituals such as muthanum muthikkum to the foreground. These rituals were once dismissed as not sufficiently “holy”, simply because they were practiced by communities deemed unworthy of performing rites or leading prayers.

By mainstreaming such practices, the festival is widening the Hindu fold. Balanandabhairava said the idea was to create an inclusive space where diverse traditions are showcased under the broader framework of tantra.

Since the medieval era, Thirunavaya had hosted Mamankam, a 28-day festival held every 12 years. The festival is rooted in several legends, one of them linking it to Lord Parashurama, who is said to have settled 32 Brahmin families in Kerala after reclaiming land from the sea. Parashurama is said to have performed his first yajna at Thirunavaya. Another legend suggests that Cheran Chenkuttuvan, a local king, witnessed the Kumbh Mela on the banks of the Ganga and sought to recreate it at Thirunavaya, where it came to be known as Mamankam or Maghamasa Mahotsavam.

Over time, Mamankam evolved into a large gathering blending ritual, trade, martial traditions, intellectual contests and folk art. Under the Zamorins of Calicut, it also became a theatre of violent confrontations, as suicide warriors of rival local rulers clashed with the Zamorin’s forces, turning the festival into a convergence of religion, commerce and power. The festival came to an end in 1755 with the decline of the Zamorins, though Thirunavaya remained a sacred site.

There have been efforts to revive Mamankam, including a 1999 reenactment attempt under historian N.M. Namboothiri. Since 2016, river-based rituals such as Nadi Puja have been revived under the leadership of A.K. Sudheer Namboothiri, who was elected as Sabarimala head priest in 2019-2020.

The Mahamagha Mahotsavam inaugurated this year is projected as both the Kerala Kumbh and a revival of the old Mamankam. A key force behind the new festival is a monk from Kerala belonging to the Juna Akhara in Varanasi, Swami Anandavanam Bharati Maharaj. A former communist student leader and media professional, Maharaj was appointed to the leadership position of “mahamandaleshwar”, with special charge of South India, during the Maha Kumbh Mela held in Prayagraj last year.

“The festival’s vision is rooted in today’s social reality,” Maharaj told THE WEEK. “We are focusing on dharmic values, which are steadily disappearing today—from society and social life to administration and public conduct. That is the central concern behind this mela.”

The festival is fashioned as a spiritual cousin of the Kumbh Melas in North India, featuring a Nila aarti modelled on the Ganga aarti in Varanasi. As it neared its conclusion, the daily footfall crossed 3.5 lakh. It was not just spirituality that drew crowds; curiosity driven by social media and the fear of missing out had many youngsters attending the Nila aarti.

As participation rose steadily, prominent figures such as Congress MP Shashi Tharoor sent messages of goodwill. The festival had the visible support of sangh parivar, with senior BJP leaders attending ceremonies and Seva Bharati volunteers managing crowds and logistics.

Critics say the gathering is aimed at consolidating Hindu identity and accumulating political capital for hindutva forces in Kerala. Asked about it, Maharaj said: “Hindutva is the identity of every Hindu. Any dharmic programme naturally strengthens that identity. In that sense, it may influence Hindu political consciousness. But then, everything is political—even this conversation. Every individual carries their own political understanding.”

According to Balanandabhairava, the festival represents the tradition of inclusivity itself. “When we accept food, we never ask who cooked it or what their religion is. We only ask people to serve; we don’t ask their faith,” he said.

The BJP appears pleased by the response that the festival’s first edition has received. State vice president V. Unnikrishnan Master, who hails from the region, said the Kerala Kumbh branding had worked. “This is not something we planned,” he told THE WEEK. “But it has already emerged as a force that seems unstoppable, especially if it becomes an annual affair.”

Before the event began, a row erupted after the government issued a stop memo against the construction of a temporary bridge across the Nila for conducting the festival. This elicited a strong response from Maharaj, who said he would defy the order. According to Master, the row triggered an emotional response among sections of Hindus.

With Malappuram being a Muslim-majority district, there were also concerns that a festival branded as Kerala Kumbh could create tensions. But Master said the local population largely embraced the event, citing its positive impact on the local economy.

Responding to questions over the choice of venue, Balanandabhairava said: “Some ask why Malappuram, a district that is nearly 80 per cent Muslim? My answer is simple: if this were held in a Hindu-majority area, would people raise the same question? The place is not the issue—the purpose is.”

The real question, according to Balanandabhairava, is whether it served personal interests or the interests of society at large. “If it serves society, the location should not matter,” he said. “This is only the beginning. I am confident it will grow in the coming years—not just in Kerala, but beyond it.”

what-ajit-pawars-untimely-death-means-for-future-of-ncp-and-maharashtra

Sat Jan 31 16:03:00 IST 2026

Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar was known for a punishing morning routine that kept officials and contractors on edge. He often began work at 6am, reaching project sites in Pune or Baramati before sunrise. Many a time, engineers would be still asleep when he arrived, prompting calls straight from the field. Early visits, believed the NCP chief, ensured honest inspections and avoided traffic disruption. That habit became a hallmark of his administrative style.

So, on the morning of January 28, it seemed like business as usual when Ajit, 66, hopped on to a Learjet from Mumbai for Baramati to hold meetings ahead of the district council elections. The plane crash-landed near the airport at Baramati, killing him and four others.

Ajit’s untimely death sent shock waves across the state and country, with tributes pouring in from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. In him, the state has lost a lok neta (people’s leader), a practical, plainspoken politician with a solid grip on administration, a man who, unlike his powerful uncle Sharad Pawar, had no national ambitions but harboured chief ministerial dreams. That dream seemed within reach but remained unfulfilled as he had to settle for the deputy chief minister’s post not once but six times. And, he had no qualms in stating his ambition in public. When he rebelled against Pawar and split the NCP in 2023, he reacted to Eknath Shinde being named chief minister by saying that he would have brought the entire NCP into the NDA camp if he had known that he would be made chief minister. He had remarked that he had said it in jest, but such was his candour.

That ‘rebel’ tag is not a recent addition though. Ajit’s entry into politics was through a rebellion. In the Katewadi panchayat elections in the early 1980s, he walked out of the panel that he was supposed to be a part of and formed his own. His panel won the election and took control of the village panchayat. That was his first electoral triumph. He soon became director of the Shri Chhatrapati Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana (sugar cooperative) and a director of the Pune District Central Cooperative Bank, which he chaired for 16 years. His political strength flowed from the cooperative sector. His grip on the sugar belt made him vital to any coalition.

Ajit dada (elder brother in Marathi), fondly called so by people and his party cadre, was obsessed with the development of rural Maharashtra. During his tenure as water resources minister, the irrigated area in the state increased by 6 lakh hectares. While he earned credit for it, he was also accused in the Rs70,000 crore irrigation scam. Ajit called these allegations politically motivated. Interestingly, those allegations were made by then BJP state president Devendra Fadnavis and BJP leader of opposition Eknath Khadse, who is now with NCP (Sharad Pawar). Ajit would later become deputy chief minister under Fadnavis, and also share deputy chief ministership with Fadnavis under Shinde.

Ajit did not like being in the opposition. He said that being in power was always good for one’s constituency as one could work wonders for it. And that was evident in Baramati—despite his state-level influence, the constituency remained his political hub. He monitored everything from footpaths to drains and knew party workers across the district by name. In his electoral career of 36 years—he first became an MLA in 1991—Ajit spent only nine years in opposition.

That is also perhaps why it is surprising that he never became chief minister. After parting ways with his uncle, he had once said that had he been Pawar’s son, he would have become chief minister much earlier. He was probably hinting at the 2004 elections when the NCP had won more seats than the Congress. The second-rung leadership of the then NCP, like Ajit, Dilip Walse-Patil, late R.R. Patil and Jayant Patil, were keen on an NCP chief minister. Pawar, however, struck a deal with the Congress, opting for three important portfolios for the NCP in exchange of chief ministership. That was the time Ajit came closest to becoming chief minister.

Ajit’s relationship with Pawar was complicated. Having lost his father Anantrao Pawar very early in life, Ajit was groomed politically by his uncle. But when Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule joined politics, it caused a rift. Ajit’s relationship with Pawar blended rivalry with reverence. Even after the NCP split, the two shared meals at family events. Ajit touching his uncle’s feet at gatherings signalled that personal hierarchy endured even as politics diverged, leaving analysts guessing about intent.

There was a time when Ajit was seen as Pawar’s heir. But today, the question is: who will be his heir? Both his sons—Parth and Jay—are young while his wife Sunetra, who is a Rajya Sabha MP, lacks mass connect.

There is also a question mark over the future of the NCP. Before Ajit’s passing, there were talks that the two factions would join hands. In the recently held municipal corporation elections, the two came together to fight the BJP in Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad. The manifesto was jointly released by Ajit and Sule, signalling a thaw in the relationship. Sunil Tatkare, NCP state president and Ajit’s close aide, had said that both factions would soon have a meeting about coming together. But if they do come together, would NCP be part of the NDA or INDIA?

Also, it was said that Pawar would retire once his Rajya Sabha term ended this April. The merger of the factions was being considered keeping his retirement in mind. Now with Ajit gone, will Pawar postpone his retirement?

Ajit’s death has thrown up a lot of difficult questions. It has also left a vacuum too big to be filled by any of his party leaders.

uddhav-thackerays-grip-on-mumbai-broken-but-can-bjp-secure-mayors-post

Fri Jan 23 19:13:17 IST 2026

IT WAS AN ambition the BJP had long harboured—the control of Mumbai. On January 16, led by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, it finally succeeded, loosening the near 30-year grip the Thackeray family had on the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation.

Of the 227 seats in the municipal election, the BJP won 89, and its ally the Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) won 29, together crossing the halfway mark of 114. The Shiv Sena (UBT) won 65 seats, showing that it largely retains the support of its core vote bank of Marathis, but its ally, Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, won just six.

The BMC election was a do-or-die battle for the Thackeray cousins, more so for Uddhav. Their political future depends heavily on the advantages that come with running the richest civic body in India, including money and manpower.

In that sense, the Sena (UBT) seems to have survived in the battle for Mumbai—it has at least retained its core vote bank. Elsewhere in the state, though, the party had a poor outing, especially compared with the Sena (Shinde).

Sena (UBT) spokesperson Harshal Pradhan said that the elections proved that the BJP cannot erase the Thackeray family’s contribution to Mumbai. “Uddhav ji fought against all odds,” he said. “The other side had money power, muscle power, the threat of investigative agencies, while Uddhav and Raj Thackeray had grassroots support of their sainiks.”

At the state level, the results indicate that as Maharashtra becomes more urbanised, it is leaning towards the BJP. Its plank of hindutva plus development has appealed to voters.

It was in 2014 that the BJP started openly voicing its dream of controlling Mumbai. Party leaders spoke of a “triple engine government”, which meant a BJP mayor in Mumbai, a BJP chief minister and a BJP prime minister.

The BJP and the Shiv Sena had contested separately in that year’s assembly elections, but would form a post-poll alliance. The BJP was growing stronger; the BMC, however, stayed with the Sena.

In 2017, the BJP decided to go it alone in the BMC elections. The Sena was upset, but the challenge energised its cadre. It won 84 seats, with the BJP improving its tally from 31 in 2012 to 82.

It was five years later, when the Sena split and the Uddhav-led government was toppled, that the BJP’s ambitions grew rapidly. Together with the Sena (Shinde) and the Ajit Pawar faction of the Nationalist Congress Party, it dominated the state’s political landscape. More than 50 corporators—elected on the united Sena ticket—joined the Shinde faction.

This was a major blow to Uddhav. To counter the outflow, he buried his differences with Raj and, after 20 years, they came together for the BMC elections. Uddhav wanted Raj to be a part of the Maha Vikas Aghadi, but the Congress objected. It feared losing Muslim and north Indian support. As a result, Uddhav did not contest as part of the MVA and allied with the MNS for the BMC election.

The cousins made a splash, too. They opposed the state government’s decision to enforce the teaching of Hindi from class one, and the support they drew from the public forced the government to repeal the decision.

Leaders of the two parties then began meeting quietly to work out how the cousins could collaborate. All these moves culminated in the announcement of their alliance on December 24. “We have come together to remain together in the future also,” said Uddhav.

They accused the BJP of being anti-Marathi and anti-Maharashtra. Industrialist Gautam Adani was also targeted, as they saw him as the biggest beneficiary of the BJP’s rule. This strategy worked well in Dharavi, which the Adani group is redeveloping. Had the MVA fought together, the battle might have been much harder for the BJP.

Said senior political analyst Abhay Deshpande: “Where it (the BJP) lost out was in the core Marathi belt which has voted for Shiv Sena (UBT) in large numbers.”

He added that this election had made one thing clear—the Thackerays cannot win the BMC with the Marathi vote bank alone, while the BJP cannot bank only on its non-Marathi base of Gujaratis, Marwaris and north Indians. While the Thackerays need to be more inclusive in their appeal to voters, he said, the BJP has to reach out to core Marathi voters in areas like Dadar, Parel, Shivdi, Worli and Lalbaug.

Apart from Mumbai, the BJP has made massive gains elsewhere, winning 1,425 seats in municipal corporations across Maharashtra. The Sena (Shinde) won 399 seats and retained its bastion of Thane municipal corporation. The Mahayuti alliance will now control 24 of 29 corporations.

In south Maharashtra, traditionally a stronghold of the Congress and the NCP, the Mahayuti dethroned the Congress in Kolhapur. The BJP won the Ichalkaranji municipal corporation and was just shy of majority in the Sangli municipal corporation.

In Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad, where both NCP factions had come together, the BJP still won.

But the BJP wasn’t the only one to win big. The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) won 126 seats across the state. The party secured 33 of 37 seats it contested in Sambhaji Nagar (formerly Aurangabad), and did well in Malegaon, Nanded Waghala, Solapur, Dhule, Bhiwandi, Mumbai and Thane municipal corporations. It is a clear signal that the Muslim vote is moving to the AIMIM from traditional secular parties such as the Congress and the NCP. The most striking example of this was in Mumbra—the bastion of NCP (SP) MLA Jitendra Awhad—where the AIMIM’s Sahar Shaikh won.

The Congress also has to worry about why, despite allying with Prakash Ambedkar’s Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, it had a poor showing in Mumbai.

All eyes are now on who will be Mumbai mayor. Will the BJP get the post or can the Thackeray cousins engineer cross-voting to defeat the BJP candidate? The corporators are expected to vote in the mayoral election later this month.

Interestingly, Shinde lodged his 29 corporators at the five-star Taj Lands End for four days starting January 17. The reason given was that most of them were first-time corporators and hence needed training on how to go about their work.

Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut claimed that even Shinde’s corporators, being true Shiv Sainiks, wanted to elect a non-BJP mayor. As Uddhav had said after the results: “We may have lost, but our defeat also has an aura to it. God willing, we will have our mayor in Mumbai.”

The BJP, however, is firm that the mayor will be from its camp. The Shinde Sena reportedly asked for the mayor’s post for two-and-a-half years; the BJP countered with the same demand, but in Shinde’s stronghold of Thane.

A decision will be reached only after Fadnavis returns from Davos. And when he does, he is unlikely to cede any ground to the Shinde faction.

can-tamil-nadu-congress-revive-itself-or-is-dmk-alliance-its-only-hope

Sat Jan 17 12:31:08 IST 2026

SATHYAMOORTHY BHAVAN, the headquarters of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee in Chennai, is bustling with activity. Party workers stream in and out, waiting to get hold of their faction leaders and curry favours ahead of the upcoming assembly elections. Inside, the party president’s cabin hums with chatter. A few senior leaders are seated in a circle. Anyone eavesdropping will expect the discussion to be about seat allocation and seat sharing with ally DMK, but it is, in fact, about something equally political, especially in a state like Tamil Nadu—cinema.

The movie in question—the recently released Parasakthi. “How is the movie?” asks one leader. “Is there anything deliberately portrayed against Indira Gandhi? Why should they talk about anti-Hindi agitation now?” Another leader chimes in, “None of us has watched the movie. But anti-Hindi fervour is the mood in Tamil Nadu now. Even we might need to adopt the same tone as the Dravidian parties. Otherwise, we might lose. For now, we should not make it an issue.”

In Tamil Nadu, the lines separating cinema and politics often blur, even merge. A few days ago, Praveen Chakravarty, an aide of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and chairperson of the All India Professionals’ Congress, met actor-politician Vijay at the latter’s Panaiyur residence. That led to speculation that the Congress was exploring an alternative electoral arrangement. State Congress president K. Selvaperunthagai denies it, saying, “I have already clarified on this. Our party’s Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar has also clarified saying that someone meeting some person in the state cannot change political equations.”

The Congress-DMK alliance dates back to the 1960s. Till the 1967 Lok Sabha elections, the two parties were rivals. It was the 1969 split in the Congress—the Indira Gandhi-led Congress (Requisition) and Congress (Organisation), led by K. Kamaraj—that led to them joining hands. In December 1970, Indira, running a minority government then, dissolved the Lok Sabha and called for early elections—a decision that put an end to the ‘one nation, one election’ cycle and changed political equations in Tamil Nadu. Then chief minister M. Karunanidhi, sensing a drubbing by the Congress (O) and C. Rajagopalachari’s Swatantra Party, dissolved the assembly and allied with the Congress (R). But there was a rider: the Congress (R) would get 10 seats for the Lok Sabha elections, none for the assembly. The Lok Sabha seats helped Indira win, but the decision to forgo the assembly seats marked the beginning of the party’s decline in the state. From being a party in power with more than 40 per cent vote share in the 1960s to playing a decisive role in the 1990s, the Congress has now been reduced to a junior partner in AIADMK- or DMK-run governments.

One reason for its decline has been its disenchanted and depleted cadre. It doesn’t have grassroot workers who can mobilise and win even one seat. But Sivaganga MP Karti Chidambaram will have you believe otherwise. “The party infrastructure is alive in Sivaganga and Kanniyakumari,” he says. “There is natural support for the Congress in many parts of the state.”

State party chief Selvaperunthagai, on the other hand, claims the party’s village committees have become stronger ever since he took charge 23 months ago. “Each village has more than 1,000 Congress workers and office-bearers,” he says. “We had leaders like P. Chidambaram interacting with village committees and appointing office-bearers. This model is helping us regain our strength at the grassroots.”

The party’s past weighs heavily on its present slump. Its reluctance to field a chief ministerial candidate after 1967, in a state that has cult personalities leading regional parties, is a case in point. The only exception was in 1989 when G.K. Moopanar was the face of its campaign; the DMK won that election. After the DMK government was dismissed by the Chandra Shekhar government at the Centre in 1991, the Congress joined hands with the J. Jayalalithaa-led AIADMK. The assassination of Rajiv Gandhi at Sriperumbudur in May 1991 got the Congress and the alliance sympathy votes. “The sympathy wave benefited Jayalalithaa,” says a two-time MP from the Congress. “But we did not choose to rule the state or get into any power-sharing arrangement.”

Also, the state Congress has always been a divided house, having too many ambitious leaders but none strong enough to pull in votes. It, therefore, has seen multiple splits—Moopanar’s Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) in 1996 and P. Chidambaram’s Congress Jananayaka Peravai (CJP) in 2001. By the 2006 assembly polls though, all the factions had returned to the Congress fold. Still, the party did not get into any power-sharing arrangement with the DMK then.

Virudhunagar MP Manickam Tagore says that the Congress should be a part of the government so as to deliver policies and reach a larger audience. “We had an opportunity in 2006,” he says. “Without our support, the DMK could not have formed the government. In 2009, at least when the Pattali Makkal Katchi and left parties walked out of the alliance, we should have been part of the government. There is an opportunity even now.”

Cuddalore MP M.K. Vishnu Prasad insists that only by participating in the local administration can the party stay alive. “This is the lifeline of any party,” he says. “The feel of power should percolate to the grassroot level. Local body representation is key.”

Thiruvallur MP Sasikanth Senthil has a slightly different view. He says the way to revive the party is not just through sharing power, but by reaching out to people in their language and through its own politics. “The revival has to happen by identifying our own politics,” he says. “The Congress has positioned itself on unity in diversity and secularism. Executing that alone can bring us victory.” Also, unlike other parties, including Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, the Congress hasn’t taken to the streets to raise local concerns. “We are not connected to the people here,” adds Senthil. “For issues like the rural employment scheme, people expect us to be with them on the ground.”

This has had an impact on its vote share—in 1989, the Congress’s vote share was 19.83 per cent; in 2021, it had come down to 4.27 per cent. The DMK’s vote share, meanwhile, was 33.18 per cent in 1989 and 37.7 per cent in 2021. Tagore, however, argues that the Congress contributes to every seventh vote secured by the alliance.

But there is no denying that ties between the allies are not as smooth as it was until 2024—ahead of the Lok Sabha polls, DMK chief M.K. Stalin was the only leader to refer to Rahul as the prime ministerial candidate and insist that an INDIA bloc without the Congress would not be successful. Talks about the Congress quitting the alliance with the DMK have been gaining ground in the past few weeks. Chakravarty’s visit to Vijay and his subsequent post on X comparing the debt rates of Tamil Nadu with Uttar Pradesh’s has irked the DMK. Even Congress MPs and state leaders have criticised Chakravarty’s post. “These are actions driven by the need for personal mileage of a few Congress leaders,” says a senior Congress leader.

But then a few Congress leaders took part in a Christmas celebration along with TVK leaders in Kanniyakumari, which led to further rumbling in the alliance. “My name was printed on the invitation without my consent. I didn’t take part in the event,” says Kanniyakumari MP Vijay Vasanth. “The alliance equations cannot be decided by taking part in an event.”

Even before the X post and the party though, it was Rahul’s call to Vijay following the Karur stampede that first started the murmurs. “That was only a courtesy call,” explains Selvaperunthagai. “Our leader called every other chief minister or political leader when there was an untoward incident in their state. He called Vijay only after informing the chief minister.”

Party insiders say that the tilt of a section of Congress leaders towards the TVK is because they think that Vijay’s fanbase in Kerala may help the party defeat the CPI(M) and regain power.

Then there was the post from Karur MP Jothimani Sennimalai, warning that “unchecked internal conflicts within the Tamil Nadu Congress were causing deep disappointment”. She accused a section of the party of focusing on electoral arithmetic rather than ideology or people’s issues. Her differences with former minister and DMK’s Karur strongman V. Senthil Balaji is said to be a reason for her animosity with the DMK. But on record, all she says is that the five-member committee formed by the party high command has initiated talks with Chief Minister Stalin. “Our party leaders will talk and decide on seat-sharing and alliance,” she says.

Snapping ties with the DMK will come at a cost though. The Congress’s drain in resources has made it solely depend on its Dravidian ally in the state. Also, the opposition’s heft in Parliament will come down significantly without the support of the DMK, which has more than 30 MPs in the two houses. “How do you think we can come out of the alliance now? When we came out of the alliance in 2014, there were at least issues that caused a strain in the alliance,” says a senior leader. “But now not even one MLA has spoken against the DMK or its policies in the assembly. If the alliance breaks, it will be because of seat-sharing.”

While most DMK ministers and MPs view the Congress as a baggage in the alliance, the party leadership has not expressed any opinion. The DMK leadership is aware that there is a substantial number of Congress voters in the state.

Alagiriswamy J., assistant professor of economics, Loyola College, however, says that if the Congress quits the alliance, it will only backfire. “The Congress failed to inject fresh blood into the party,” he says. “In the given scenario, the party’s position has also changed, with just a niche share in votes. They are trying to go through an acid test here in Tamil Nadu. But there are no signs that they will win a significant vote share.”

thirupparankundram-row-how-a-festival-lamp-ignited-a-communal-dispute-in-tamil-nadu

Sat Jan 10 16:45:00 IST 2026

Thirupparankundram

A photo of a hill, with 1858 as the dateline, is pasted on a desk at a shop selling calendars. This is the same picture being shared widely on Tamil social media these days. “This is the Thirupparankundram hill,” says Ramesh Kumar Murugesan from behind the desk. “It belongs to the Hindus.”

The 38-year-old, wearing an orange shirt and a black dhoti, is fasting for a visit to Sabarimala. “Everything is fine now. Only when many outsiders came and staged a protest, there was chaos,” he says.

Thirupparankundram has become a flashpoint in recent times. The monolithic rock on the outskirts of Madurai houses the Subramaniyaswamy temple, the Ucchi Pillayar temple, the Kasi Viswanathar temple, the Palani Andavar temple, some Jain caves and the Sikandar dargah at the hilltop.

Importantly, all these coexisted peacefully for centuries. That is, till unrest began last February. Hindutva groups alleged that some Muslims wanted to change the name of the hill to ‘Sikandar Malai’. There was also a demand that animal sacrifice be banned and meat distribution be stopped around the dargah.

The issue was taken to the Madurai bench of the Madras High Court, which, in an October verdict, barred animal sacrifice at the dargah. There had earlier been a split verdict.

“For centuries, we have been offering goat sacrifice near the dargah, making biryani and serving our devotees. Even Hindus used to come to our place and offer prayers,” said M. Arif Khan, secretary of the Hazrat Sultan Sikandar Badshah Dargah trust. Just before I spoke with him, he had turned down a request from a young couple to sacrifice a goat at the dargah.

The meat issue was over, but then came another. Rama Ravikumar, a Hindu activist, moved the High Court—he wanted the government to make arrangements to light a lamp on the deepathoon, a sacred pillar at the hilltop, during the Karthigai Deepam festival. This lamp had for years been lit at the Ucchi Pillayar temple. Notably, the deepathoon is close to the dargah.

In December, a single-judge bench permitted the lighting of the lamp at the deepathoon, which led the district administration to impose curfew-like measures to prevent large gatherings at the hilltop. There was fear of a communal flare-up. Multiple parties—including state officials, the police and the Hindu religious and charitable endowments department—filed appeals against the single-bench order. But, on January 6, a division bench upheld it. “Lighting of the Karthigai Deepam is an essential religious practice of the temple,” it said. “It is hard to believe the fear of the mighty state that allowing representatives of devasthanam to light a lamp at the stone pillar on a particular day in a year will cause disturbance to public peace.”

The state government is expected to approach the Supreme Court. “Why should the court ask us to change the usual practice that we have been following for years?” says S. Regupathy, state law minister, to THE WEEK. He added that there was nothing in the scriptures to prove that the lamp has to be lit on the deepathoon. “The BJP has completely fabricated this. It is trying to reap benefits by disturbing the peace in the state,” he says.

The BJP has rejected such claims. “The state government is anti-Hindu,” said Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal at a news conference in Chennai. “The [M.K.] Stalin-led DMK government is against the beliefs of the Hindus.”

C. Santhalingam, a former state archaeology department officer who has spent decades studying ancient sites in Tamil Nadu, says the hill has never belonged to one community. “For 2,000 years, the hill was a major Jain centre and is still home to rock beds and inscriptions in the ancient Tamil-Brahmi script,” he says. He added that the hill was constructed as a pluralistic complex designed for the simultaneous worship of different deities. “This mountain belongs to everyone—Shaivites, Jains, Vaishnavites and Muslims. To claim it for one narrative is to erase a thousand years of shared history,” he says.

The series of events has soured the air on the hill. Pasupathi Alagappan, who has a shop selling puja items, says that outsiders creating unnecessary disputes would only affect the livelihood of the locals. “I am a staunch Hindu and my livelihood depends on this temple. What have the Hindus lost here? I haven’t lost anything, except for the one festival day when someone from outside came here to protest. Because you are creating an unnecessary issue, innocent people are being affected.”

Police restriction on the hill has increased over the days, particularly on the way to the dargah. There are more than 1,000 small shops in the area, mostly selling flowers and puja items. Apparently, on the day of Karthigai Deepam, some shops were forced to close.

“[We are not] disturbing the harmony here. We are only fighting for the majority Hindu rights,” says Arun Swaminathan, Ravikumar’s lawyer. “The lamp (Karthigai Deepam) is now being lit at the Ucchi Pillayar temple, where usually the moksha deepam or the light for those who died is lit. My client’s question is simple: why are you lighting the lamp on a festive day on a pillar that is used to light lamps for the dead?”

The hindutva groups essentially want the Karthigai Deepam to be separated from the moksha deepam.

Lawyer S. Vanchinathan, who was part of the case, claims that the court ignored judicial discipline, historical revenue records, and established procedures by misidentifying a survey stone as a religious pillar without sufficient evidence.

He also says that the term ‘deepathoon’ was absent from nearly 20 judgments about the hill spanning decades, appearing for the first time only in the most recent ruling.

Vignesh Karthik K.R., a postdoctoral research affiliate in Indian and Indonesian politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, has an interesting take. He says that the fight is not merely about religion, but about twisting traditional identity. “It is an extension of how local deities are force-fitted into the larger Hindu pantheon,” he argues. While names like Subramanian and Murugan refer to the same god, the former is used by dominant-caste Hindus, while the latter is used by the others. In Tamil Nadu, Murugan has human qualities—for instance, there are conversations between him and regular people in Tamil literature. While hindutva forces are trying to convert Murugan into Subramanian, says Vignesh, the dravidian forces want to retain him as he is.

There is also an attempt to widen the gap between dravidian religion and dravidian movements, claims Ramu Manivannan, a scholar and social activist. The dravidian religion traces its roots to the Bhakti Movement, but the dravidian political movement has largely ignored faith.

The BJP in the state has, in the past few years, held several events dedicated to Murugan, be it the vel yatra before the 2021 state elections or its leaders going on a padayatra to Palani.

“In a way, the BJP has launched its strategy of hindutva politics in Tamil Nadu by its make-believe devotion and celebration of the Tamil god Murugan,” says Manivannan.

He adds that Thirupparankundram is only a short-term strategy before the assembly elections to keep the state government on the back foot. The issue came in handy only because there was a dargah at a multi-faith site, he says.

Even if the current unrest dies down after the court verdict, the hindutva outfits could continue raking up other issues in the state. Members of a few of these groups THE WEEK spoke to said “majority rights” was the priority.

will-sabarimala-gold-theft-case-cost-cpim-the-kerala-assembly-polls

Sat Jan 10 18:10:23 IST 2026

ON JANUARY 5, after wrapping up the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee’s Lakshya Leadership Summit in Wayanad, All India Congress Committee general secretary K.C. Venugopal’s first comment was not about the party nor about its electoral plans. “The Marxist government has created a situation in which people neither fear God nor have faith, and plunder God’s property,” he said. The statement was timely in the wake of a Supreme Court remark—“You did not even spare God”—in the Sabarimala gold theft case and an indicator of the narrative that will dominate the upcoming assembly poll campaign.

The special investigation team has so far arrested nine people, including CPI(M) leader and former Travancore Devaswom Board president A. Padmakumar. It has questioned former devaswom minister and CPI(M) leader Kadakampally Surendran, examined 181 witnesses and concluded that the alleged offences span from 1998, when gold-cladding was first carried out by the UB Group, to September 2025, when the dwarapalaka idols were sent for re-plating. Crucially, scientific tests are under way at the Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre to determine whether original gold plates were replaced or misappropriated.

On January 5, while granting a six-week extension to complete the probe, the Kerala High Court clarified that the SIT’s current focus on transactions forming the subject matter of the case does not mean the remaining aspects will escape scrutiny. Notably, the extended timeline means the SIT is likely to submit its final report right when the state begins to feel the heat of the assembly elections.

On December 30, while moving a custody application for main accused Unnikrishnan Potty and others, the SIT said that more gold had been stolen than what was initially believed. It also said it had proof that two of the accused—Pankaj Bhandari, CEO of Chennai-based Smart Creations (contracted for electroplating and re-plating), and Roddam Govardhan, a Karnataka-based jeweller—were in possession of gold separated from the Sabarimala artefacts.

However, Prakash Panicker of the Thattavila Vishwakarma family (his grandfather sculpted the idol of Lord Ayyappa) theorised that the recovered gold could be from a different source. “You would have to [chemically process] kilos of material to extract a few grams of gold,” he told THE WEEK. “These were gold-plated artefacts (post 2019), with a minimal amount of gold.” Panicker suggested that different parts of the artefacts may have been smuggled across the world, given their immense faith-related value, and added that the role of Sabarimala priests should be investigated.

T. Asaf Ali, former director general of prosecutions, said that the Kerala Police had constraints in handling this investigation as, despite court oversight, there is scope for political interference. “There may be honest officers, but ruling-party interference and patronage are high,” he said.

The Congress had opposed the addition of two officers to the SIT, alleging they were sympathetic to the CPI(M). The High Court considered these objections, but the SIT vouched for the two officers.

During the campaign for the local body polls at the end of 2025, the Congress-led opposition had alleged that the chief minister’s office was pressuring the SIT to delay the questioning and arrest of key CPI(M) leaders. The party claimed that subsequent court observations vindicated these allegations. The opposition had also alleged foul play in the SIT’s questioning of Surendran and claimed that CPI(M) leaders jailed in connection with the case were being shielded.

The BJP has long been arguing for a central investigation. Now, the Enforcement Directorate has received approval to register a PMLA case.

Meanwhile, the CPI(M)-led LDF has anchored its defence on two claims: the state government has not interfered in the investigation and links to Potty are not confined to LDF leaders. The CPI(M) circulated a photo of Potty with Sonia Gandhi, and Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan name-checked UDF convener Adoor Prakash and Congress MP Anto Antony for alleged links to Potty. The Congress countered with photos of Potty with Vijayan and other CPI(M) leaders.

The LDF has also argued that the TDB is autonomous. But, Ali said the autonomy was limited to day-to-day, non-policy matters at temples under its jurisdiction. “If the board were truly a fully autonomous body, there would be no need for a devaswom department or minister,” he said. Removing the gold-clad idols from Sabarimala premises, he added, was clearly a major policy decision. “What happened was theft from a place considered sacred by the faithful, and the government is answerable,” he said.

The BJP is framing the issue as proof of a UDF-LDF collaboration. M.T. Ramesh, BJP state general secretary, alleged that prominent leaders from both the parties were involved. The party plans to sharpen its messaging on Makara Sankranti day—January 14. It will light ‘Sabarimala Samrakshana Deepam’ (lamp for the protection of Sabarimala) in homes and key centres across Kerala. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah are also expected to raise the issue during visits to the state this month.

our-politics-is-organisation-driven-now-sukhvinder-singh-sukhu-himachal-pradesh-cm

Sat Dec 27 12:56:55 IST 2025

Interview/ Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu, chief minister, Himachal Pradesh

SUKHVINDER SINGH SUKHU used to run a milk counter in Chhota Shimla, a pine-covered suburb of Shimla, to finance his studies. He started at the lowest rungs of the Congress and rose through the ranks to become chief minister two decades later. With the Congress now re-wiring its organisation, he is betting on the party’s revamped state machinery to retain power in the hill state. In an exclusive interview, Sukhu talks about his government’s key challenges, the factionalism in the party, the friction with the Centre and the state’s financials. Excerpts:

Q/ What are your government’s achievements, and what remains your priority?

A/ From day one, our government had just one slogan: system change. Initially, many within the system said it was impossible. They believed governance had to continue the way it had for the last 40 years—slow, rigid and disconnected from people’s realities. We challenged that thinking. System change means questioning outdated rules, changing laws that harm ordinary citizens and making governance responsive. Earlier, files would move endlessly between departments. We broke that inertia. Decision-making has become faster and more humane.

For instance, during the recent disaster, officials initially told me that under existing rules, only Rs1.5 lakh could be given to families whose houses were destroyed. I asked them a simple question: ‘Can anyone build even one room with that amount?’ We changed the rule.

We announced the largest disaster relief package in the country: Rs7 lakh for house construction and Rs1 lakh for essentials for each affected family. We also arranged rent support and food assistance. This is what system change looks like.

Q/ Factionalism is often cited as a major challenge within the Congress, including in Himachal Pradesh.

A/ I don’t agree that factionalism currently exists in Himachal Pradesh. There can be differences of opinion; that is natural in any democratic party. But organised factions do not exist today. When I became chief minister, there was turbulence. Some leaders were over-ambitious, others were dissatisfied because everyone cannot be accommodated as ministers. That led to desertions. But that phase is over.

Today, there is stability. Compare this with the BJP, which is divided into multiple groups and requires frequent intervention from central leaders. In the Himachal Congress, disagreements exist, but factionalism does not define governance anymore.

Q/ The Congress has introduced a new system for appointing district presidents. Some senior leaders seem unhappy about it.

A/ I strongly support it. I have led the organisation at different levels, and know how lobbies form. Earlier, state presidents would often build teams based on loyalty rather than merit, which damaged the cadre. The new system reduces local pressure, increases transparency, and provides multiple options for selection. Our politics is organisation-driven now. Observers from outside assess performance, which ensures fairness.

Q/ What challenges do you face from the Centre?

A/ There are three major challenges. First, bills passed by the assembly often remain stuck at Raj Bhavan for long periods. Even routine legislation faces unnecessary delays.

Second, financial dependence has increased. Many central schemes are conditional, and hill states face unique difficulties that flat-land policies do not address.

Third, policies for hill states need to be distinct. Building a kilometre of road or implementing water schemes costs three to four times more here. Yet allocations do not reflect that reality.

I raised these issues before the 16th Finance Commission. Himachal’s resources, water, forests and tourism benefit the entire country, yet we receive little compensation.

Q/ The BJP says that you have squandered central funds?

A/ No special relief package has been provided. The Centre announced a post-disaster needs assessment of Rs9,300 crore, but after delays and inflation, its actual value has reduced significantly. We receive only partial assistance.

Climate change is accelerating in the Himalayas. What is happening here today will affect the plains tomorrow. This requires a national policy response, not political arguments.

The GST is consumer-based. Himachal’s population is around 7.5 million and declining. Before GST, we earned nearly Rs4,000 crore a year through excise, especially from pharmaceuticals. Today, despite producing 35 per cent of Asia’s pharmaceutical output, we receive only Rs150-200 crore. This has drained our treasury. Production states like Himachal have lost out, while consumption-heavy states benefit. This imbalance must be corrected.

Q/ Tourism and connectivity remain critical.

A/ Himachal did not get a proper airport even after 75 years. Consequently, we raised Rs3,000 crore ourselves. The Kangra-Dharamshala airport is being expanded. We are developing heliports and improving tourism infrastructure. The mindset that governed Himachal for 40 years has changed—first within the administration, then in political leadership—while ensuring environment protection.

Q/ Drug abuse has become a concern in northern India. How serious is the problem in Himachal?

A/ We take it very seriously. We launched a state-wide awareness campaign against chitta (heroin). Panchayats have been categorised as red, yellow and green zones. We identified school-age children as the most vulnerable group and focused our campaign accordingly. Awareness, rehabilitation and strict action against suppliers are our three pillars. We have implemented stringent laws, including preventive detention.

can-omar-abdullah-national-conference-survive-its-twin-challenges

Sat Dec 27 12:52:33 IST 2025

There is trouble brewing in Kashmir, and for once, it has got nothing to do with terrorism. Soon after the National Conference-led government completed its first year in office, it hit a grave crisis. In the Budgam assembly byelection held in November, it lost big time. It was a seat that had been historically considered ‘safe’ for the party and was vacated by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah after he won both the seats he contested.

Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, one of the party’s two MPs in the Lok Sabha, refused to campaign in Budgam, which helped arch-rival PDP. National Conference workers allege that Mehdi was working against the party while Abdullah openly called out his absence as “political suicide”.

While Abdullah secured over 50 per cent of the votes in the 2024 polls, the party’s vote share dropped to just 27 per cent in the bypoll.

There is trouble on other fronts, too. There seems to be no end to the tiff between Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha and the elected government. And the Congress, Abdullah’s ally, is figuring out ways to steer away from the alliance.

All these have forced the National Conference to go on damage control mode. It has listed over 10 initiatives of the government, including the resolution on special status in the assembly and the one on statehood passed by the cabinet, and enhanced marriage assistance and free bus service for women. The campaign has not resonated well with people.

What’s making the situation worse is that the business rules, which define the division of powers between the lieutenant governor and the elected government, are yet to be put into effect. The absence of business rules has deepened confusion over authority and accountability.

For instance, the Kashmir Power Distribution Corporation Limited recently proposed a 20 per cent surcharge on base electricity tariff during peak hours in the Valley. Though the National Conference had opposed the move, people saw it as a policy of the Abdullah government and the backlash hit the party hard.

Statehood could have brought clarity and made the government more accountable, but the Centre is yet to make any moves. “The home minister made assurances that statehood would be restored. We are still waiting,” says Imran Nabi Dar, spokesperson, National Conference. “People have expectations from the government but the bureaucracy has not been welcoming. For the first time, cabinet decisions are being undermined. For example, recently a cabinet decision was taken, the official document was sent to the lieutenant governor and when it returned, 25 per cent of the provisions had been altered.”

In October, Sinha had targeted the Abdullah government over its claim that projects would be implemented only after statehood was restored. “Even without statehood, all powers rest with the government,” he said. “I want to emphasise today that people should not be fooled, and the government should use its powers to work for the people of Jammu and Kashmir.”

Sinha’s remarks had stung Abdullah, who hit back by saying that the Pahalgam attack had happened on Sinha’s watch as law and order and security fell under the LG’s jurisdiction. “Twenty-six of our guests were killed, and he is advising us to do our work,” he said. “We know our work, you do yours. I was CM for six years (earlier), show me one instance where a tourist was hurt?”

Dr Noor Ahmad Baba, a former professor of the University of Kashmir, said that Abdullah’s initial appeasement of the BJP—he had praised the prime minister for holding elections—was because he wanted the statehood restored without any confrontation. “He carries larger responsibilities and has commitments to the people, commitments he must fulfil,” he said.

Mehdi, meanwhile, has publicly targeted his party and government, highlighting unfulfilled promises. Moreover, he has declared that he will launch a protest after the winter session of Parliament against the Abdullah government’s reservation policy that keeps aside majority posts for reserved quota candidates and leaves little for open merit candidates. “Hypothetically, [Mehdi] may be playing the game the Centre [wants him to play] because anything that undermines local parties in the region will suit the BJP,” said Baba.

And then there is the Congress, which is proving to be another headache for Abdullah. Just before last year’s elections, a section of senior leaders within the Congress, including state leaders, had advised the leadership to go solo to safeguard the party’s future in the state. But the party high command eventually allied with the National Conference.

Congress leaders believe that in an attempt to win favour with the BJP, Abdullah has often been unkind to the party. For instance, the Abdullahs had assured the Congress high command of a ‘safe’ seat in the Rajya Sabha polls. Instead, the party was offered an ‘unsafe’ seat, which was vulnerable to BJP lobbying.

There is a growing demand within the state Congress to move away from the National Conference. According to sources, the state unit has already requested the high command to quit the alliance, but no decision has been taken yet.

“If the Congress is sure that the National Conference government will not fall in case it pulls out from the alliance, then it may take a decision to go separately,” said political commentator Ahmad Ayaz. “Otherwise, such a decision will again give space to the BJP to somehow come back, which the Congress would not want.”

This internal shift also stems from the rise of Tariq Hamid Karra within the J&K Congress. He has been trying to consolidate power and create an unofficial, non-factional hierarchy, sidelining figures from various groups. Many in the party have now aligned themselves with Karra, who is seen as the party’s primary heavyweight.

“Within the party, there are differing opinions: one view suggests it is beneficial to continue in the alliance, as we are natural allies with a common enemy and shared causes,” said Nizamuddin Bhat, Congress chief whip in the assembly. “The other view holds that the Congress has a future of its own and can emerge as the premier party. Therefore, we should go solo. At the moment, there is no [coalition] coordination committee in place, so one could say there is practically no coordination at all.”

That is certainly not good news for Abdullah.

who-controls-pmk-the-deepening-rift-between-s-ramadoss-and-son-anbumani

Sat Dec 20 17:20:49 IST 2025

The iron gates of S. Ramadoss’s bungalow at Thailapuram, in Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district, remain closed. A few men in white shirts and black trousers step out after a press conference. A pair of elephants carved from stone flank the porch. Traditional brass lamps glow softly by the front door, which opens into a courtyard. In the foyer, a portrait of his son Anbumani Ramadoss, dressed in a trench coat, hangs above a rocking chair draped with a white towel. Clad in a white shirt and dhoti, Ramadoss emerges from his room.

“What is the time now?” he asks his assistant. “4.30pm?” The founding leader of the Pattali Makkal Katchi glances at the portrait, smiles and says, “I am on time.” As the conversation begins he says, “It is time. Ask her where she is.” His daughter Sree Gandhi Parasuraman, the newly appointed working president of the PMK, walks in. “You should be on time,” he reminds her.

The PMK, once a formidable political party rooted in Vanniyar assertion and social justice, is deeply divided today. Ramadoss and Anbumani have been in an open conflict since April. A party built on community mobilisation and careful alliance politics has fractured from top to bottom. Each district now has two parallel sets of office-bearers, one loyal to the father and the other to the son.

In April this year, Ramadoss removed Anbumani as president of the party and took charge himself while naming his son working president. In retaliation, Anbumani expelled his father and declared himself the legitimate leader. Anbumani convened a general council meeting on August 8, asserting that he would remain president until internal elections in August 2026. It was the first major party meeting held without the founder. A month later, Ramadoss expelled his son from the primary membership of the party and appointed Sree Gandhi as working president.

According to the Election Commission of India, however, Anbumani is the recognised president of the PMK and Ramadoss is listed as an ordinary member. None of the recent announcements made by Ramadoss, including his daughter’s elevation, appear in the EC’s records. “The Election Commission has made a mistake,” says Ramadoss.

The Election Commission has informed the Delhi High Court that it cannot allot the PMK’s official symbol, the “Mango,” to either the Anbumani faction or the Ramadoss faction during an ongoing election cycle. This clarification came after Ramadoss approached the court, alleging that the Anbumani group had misled the Commission by submitting incorrect documents.

He says the party remains with him. “All the senior leaders who were with me when I floated the party, including our honorary president G.K. Mani, are still with me. The general council meeting called by Anbumani has no value since it happened days after he was removed,” he says. Asked whether the EC’s stance was deliberate, he replies, “I told you it was a mistake. The Election Commission will reverse it soon. We have submitted all the supporting papers.”

Sree Gandhi listens quietly, wearing a faint smile. Despite being the working president of the party, she spends most of her time attempting reconciliation between her father and brother. “I will not give up,” she says. She approached Anbumani and urged him to meet their father and apologise. “He refused.” Anbumani, aware of his father’s temperament, believed an apology would not be accepted. But she insists it would have changed everything. “He is from an older generation, but he loves his son more than anyone. Had Anbumani come and apologised wholeheartedly, this would have been resolved in minutes.”

The PMK emerged from the Vanniyar reservation movement of the 1980s, when the Vanniyar Sangam led by Ramadoss organised protests across north Tamil Nadu. Twenty-one people died in a major agitation in 1987. The PMK was formed in 1989 and soon entered the assembly. Since the early 1990s, Ramadoss has aligned with both the DMK and the AIADMK in various elections, based on his electoral calculations. In 2004, he secured a Rajya Sabha seat for Anbumani through the DMK. Anbumani joined the Manmohan Singh cabinet as health minister.

But the party’s influence has been fading since then. Anbumani’s political strategies faltered, and the PMK’s positions on caste issues and inter-caste marriages alienated many voters. In 2014, Anbumani won the Dharmapuri Lok Sabha seat as part of the NDA, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not include him in the cabinet. Two years later, he was projected as the PMK’s chief ministerial candidate but he lost the Pennagaram assembly seat. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, contesting as part of the AIADMK-led NDA, the PMK lost even its strongholds. Although Anbumani entered the Rajya Sabha courtesy the AIADMK, he remained without a cabinet role.

Five years later, Anbumani’s wife Sowmiya contested from Dharmapuri, despite the AIADMK’s exit from the NDA. After her second-place finish, there was sharp internal criticism, which angered Anbumani. “He cannot take criticism,” says Ramadoss, who did not campaign actively for Sowmiya.

The rift intensified after Ramadoss appointed Sree Gandhi’s son Mukundan Parasuraman as the PMK youth wing leader. Anbumani denounced it as dynastic politics, despite his own rise being shaped by his father. Ramadoss says, “I regret it now. I made him a minister. I made him win elections. I made a mistake. I chose someone with no leadership qualities.” Both he and Sree Gandhi hint at Sowmiya’s role in widening the divide. “She is one of the reasons for the split,” says Ramadoss.

Tensions had existed for years, usually settled quickly when Anbumani’s mother was in better health. After her illness worsened, Sree Gandhi stepped into the role of mediator. The 2024 defeat and arguments over Sowmiya’s candidacy drove the final wedge. A property dispute has also fuelled the estrangement. “I am not after power or money. I do not even have ten thousand rupees in hand. Had I wanted, I could have held a high constitutional office,” says Ramadoss.

Diwali at the Thailapuram home, once a festive event, was bleak this year. “On my mother’s birthday my brother came home for a minute and left,” says Sree Gandhi, who visits the house every morning after her husband leaves for his hospital in Tindivanam. “Amma needs help. I also do party work based on appa’s instructions.” As the eldest sibling, she is learning politics through party workshops, just as Anbumani once did.

Reconciliation now seems distant. Ramadoss believes remaining with the BJP will not benefit the party, while Anbumani argues that the BJP is the future of Indian politics. Ramadoss says his daughter would run the party with compassion. “A leader must take criticism. I have always asked my cadre to criticise me.”

Legally, Anbumani appears stronger. “The Election Commission has recognised Anbumani as president, Vadivelu Ravanan as general secretary and Thilagabama as treasurer. It has accepted the extension of Anbumani’s tenure until August 2026. Only Anbumani can sign Forms A and B,” says K. Balu, lawyer and spokesperson for the Anbumani faction.

In the upcoming assembly elections, Ramadoss wants to align with the AIADMK under Edappadi K. Palaniswami while Anbumani wants to stay with the NDA. With the AIADMK now back in the NDA, both factions may find space. Each has demanded seats separately. Interestingly, some reports suggest that the Anbumani faction has sent feelers indicating interest in joining the alliance led by actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam. While Anbumani attacks the DMK and Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, Ramadoss praises Stalin’s loyalty to his father. “He pushed his father’s wheelchair. He never fought with him. My mistake was giving the mantle to my son,” he says.

Sree Gandhi, however, is still hopeful. She points to Anbumani’s portrait behind her. “There was a big family photo there. Appa did not want that. But he wants this photo. I still hope they will reunite.”

our-core-belief-is-that-development-is-not-partisan-rajasthan-cm-bhajanlal-sharma

Sat Dec 20 11:59:20 IST 2025

Exclusive Interview/ Bhajanlal Sharma, chief minister, Rajasthan

Bhajanlal Sharma has spent two years proving that a first-time MLA can run one of India’s largest states with the certainty of a seasoned administrator. With an eye on developing new leadership in the state, the BJP had hand-picked him to lead Rajasthan in December 2023. The choice surprised many within and outside the party.

Sharma, however, arrived in office with decades of organisational experience. His tenure since then has been marked by an assertive push for water security, investment mobilisation and administrative discipline, with the government claiming that it has delivered on 70 per cent of its manifesto commitments. The successful conduct of two high-octane industry events in two years—Rising Rajasthan Global Investment Summit and Pravasi Rajasthani Divas—has given him national and international visibility. Supporters describe him as a quiet, methodical operator, while critics question the speed of implementation and the government’s stability.

In an interview with THE WEEK, Sharma defends the pace of development, and shares his achievements so far and plans for the future. Excerpts:

Q/ Your government says it is delivering election promises on time. Which ones have been delivered so far? And, what is the timeline for the rest?

When we assumed power, Rajasthan was struggling because of the failures of the previous Congress government. Farmers, youth, women, tribal communities and the poor had been deceived. Corruption was at its peak, and the paper leaks case was not just corruption but a betrayal of the future of Rajasthan’s youth.

If we talk about our most clear and concrete achievements, we had promised to provide water to Rajasthan. With the support of the Union government, we launched the ERCP (Eastern Rajasthan Canal Project), which will ensure water supply to 17 districts.

Nearly one lakh jobs have been provided and recruitment for over 1.5 lakh posts is underway. To promote investment, MoUs worth Rs35 lakh crore were signed through Rising Rajasthan (in December 2024). Of these, projects worth Rs7 lakh crore have already been implemented.

We have fulfilled our promise of electricity to every household. Power generation has doubled. We have built one and a half times more health centres than the previous government. Farmers are now accessing credit easily, and road construction is progressing faster than ever.

In just 23-24 months, we have delivered most of our commitments. We are moving rapidly in policy implementation, tackling corruption and expanding development work. We remain committed to completing the remaining promises within the set timelines.

Q/ Vision 2047 targets a $4.3 trillion economy. What goals have been set for 2030 and 2035? How will continuity be ensured if the government changes after 2028?

Rajasthan is India’s largest state by area, covering 10.41 per cent of the country. At present, our economy is roughly $197 billion. Under the ‘Viksit Rajasthan @2047’ vision document, we have prepared a phased roadmap to reach $4.3 trillion. For 2030, the target is $350 billion, though independent assessments suggest we could exceed $400 billion if current momentum continues.

The economic and social transformation of Rajasthan will be propelled by investor-friendly policies, technological progress and inclusive development. By 2047, GSDP is projected to grow 21–22 times, making Rajasthan a major pillar of India’s growth story.

To ensure continuity beyond political cycles, we have established the Rajasthan Institute for Transformation and Innovation, a permanent body modelled on the NITI Aayog. A high-level steering committee of senior bureaucrats, experts and stakeholders guides long-term implementation beyond electoral mandates.

Our core belief is that development is not partisan. Large infrastructure, such as expressways, renewable energy grids and industrial corridors, builds irreversible momentum. Private investment attracted through Rising Rajasthan also creates a stakeholder ecosystem that demands policy continuity.

Through collective effort and strategic reforms, Rajasthan aims to become a model of progress, stability and shared prosperity.

Q/ Previous recruitment exams were marred by paper leaks. What structural measures has your government introduced to eliminate this problem?

We formed a state-level Special Investigation Team to probe all paper leak cases from the past five years. Within a year, 94 FIRs were registered and 244 accused were arrested, including former and current members of the Rajasthan Public Service Commission (RPSC) and the previous government’s [chief minister’s] personal security officer.

Institutional reforms included the restructuring of RPSC, expansion of membership and appointment of a serving DGP as its chair for strong leadership. Recruitment now involves biometric verification, multi-layered checks, continuous CCTV monitoring and vigilance by the Special Operations Group.

Legislatively, amendments to the Rajasthan Public Examination Act raised the maximum penalty to life imprisonment. As a result of these combined actions, examinations have been conducted transparently. The government maintains zero tolerance for the paper leak mafia and is committed to safeguarding the aspirations of hard working youth.

Q/ What steps has your government taken to expand employment and strengthen skill development for youth?

Youth are Rajasthan’s greatest asset. Making them capable and self-reliant is our highest priority. Through 663 skill centres under Central and state schemes, 3.06 lakh young people have received vocational training across various sectors. To modernise technical education, smart classrooms have been set up in 144 government industrial training institutes.

Under the Mukhyamantri Yuva Sambal Yojana (unemployment allowance scheme), 2.16 lakh new approvals have been issued, and Rs980 crore in allowances have been distributed. Currently, 1.89 lakh beneficiaries are interning across government departments, gaining practical experience for future employment.

Career counselling sessions in schools and colleges have benefited 75,313 students. To expand private sector opportunities, 294 job fairs were held until September 30, 2025, connecting 93,585 applicants with employment opportunities.

Our approach is not limited to providing jobs but enabling youth to become job creators themselves. This combined focus on skills, education and opportunity will empower young people to contribute to a self-reliant India.

Q/ Given the drought situation and falling groundwater level, what is your plan to ensure tap water in every rural home?

Water is life for Rajasthan, and supplying clean drinking water to every home is our commitment. The state receives only 1.16 per cent of India’s surface water and 1.72 per cent of its groundwater, yet is home to 5.67 per cent of the population.

Under the Jal Jeevan Mission, Rs9,936 crore have been spent to provide tap water to 13.06 lakh rural households. Under AMRUT 2.0, Rs5,123 crore have been sanctioned to improve urban water systems in 183 towns. Infrastructure expansion includes 3,651 new tubewells, 5,895 new handpumps and repair of 4.16 lakh faulty handpumps.

The state launched the ‘Vande Ganga’ conservation campaign from June 5 (coinciding with World Environment Day and Ganga Dussehra) to June 20, starting with the revival of Jaipur’s historic Ramgarh Dam. The plan includes linking ERCP to the Ramgarh Dam.

To recharge groundwater, the ‘Karmabhoomi se Mathrubhumi’ campaign began on January 15, 2025. Across 41 districts and 11,195 gram panchayats, the aim is to build 45,000 recharge structures over four years. So far, 44,780 sites have been identified and 10,571 structures completed. Under the Atal Bhujal Yojana, conservation work worth Rs459 crore was undertaken in 17 districts, improving groundwater levels in 12 blocks. Our effort is to conserve every drop and deliver clean water to every home.

Q/ What is the current progress on the ERCP? What major challenges remain?

ERCP is Rajasthan’s most ambitious water project and we are advancing it in mission mode. After decades of delays, the foundation stone was laid in December 2024 in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The project now has national status.

The long-pending water-sharing dispute with Madhya Pradesh has been resolved, and an MoU has been signed. The project is being executed as the revised Parbati-Kalisindh-Chambal Link Project. The Nonera Barrage is complete, and the feeder canal in the Kota–Bundi region is progressing rapidly. Approval has been granted by the National Board for Wildlife for a long aqueduct across the Chambal.

The ERCP will provide drinking and irrigation water to 17 districts, benefiting lakhs of farmers. Land acquisition is proceeding smoothly with fair compensation. The government is committed to timely completion so that eastern Rajasthan’s chronic water shortage is addressed permanently. It will also support industrial growth by supplying water to the Delhi–Mumbai Industrial Corridor.

Q/ But the opposition claims your government makes more announcements than actual delivery, and that there are signs of internal instability.

The opposition has little substance left, so it resorts to baseless allegations. The facts speak for themselves. In just 23–24 months, we have completed work that the previous government could not achieve in five years. This reflects the efficiency of a double-engine government guided by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

New airports are coming up. Piped water is reaching households. Farmers receive income support. Women are safer. Youth are getting jobs.... Road networks are expanding and Rajasthan has become a new investment hotspot.

As for claims of internal instability, these are misleading narratives. Our government is united and focused on serving the people.

Q/ The opposition says law and order has deteriorated.

I speak on facts. Since December 2023, not a single exam paper leak has occurred. Major criminal gangs have been arrested. Mafia networks are now a thing of the past. Crimes against women have fallen by 9.24 per cent. This shows that Beti Bachao is not only a slogan for us. Several police officers of the previous government are now behind bars for protecting criminals. We increased the number of police stations for easier public access. Most importantly, the conviction rate has risen from 42 per cent to 60 per cent, meaning offenders can no longer escape punishment.

The numbers do not lie. Rajasthan is safer today than before.

Q/ Rajasthan has seen the party in power changing every election cycle. As you enter your third year, what new initiatives will people see?

While Rajasthan has a tradition of alternating [parties], people value development and good governance above old patterns.

Our top priority will be job creation, including new industrial corridors and expanded skill development for self-employment. In education and health, we plan significant budget allocations to improve the quality of government schools and hospitals.

For farmers, we will expand modern irrigation, guarantee MSP coverage and establish new markets. Women’s empowerment will remain central, with entrepreneurship programmes, safety initiatives and measures for economic independence.

Tourism will be promoted through modern outreach and new facilities. Infrastructure for roads, power and water will be strengthened. Digital governance will continue to reduce corruption and improve transparency.

We are confident that the people will look at performance rather than tradition and will give us another opportunity.

no-one-will-dare-arrest-parth-pawar-vijay-kumbhar

Sat Dec 20 11:37:21 IST 2025

Interview/ Vijay Kumbhar, activist

The Pune land scam case involving Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar’s son Parth Pawar took a turn recently with the Bombay High Court criticising the police’s handling of the probe. Parth’s Amadea Enterprises allegedly bought 40 acres of government land for 300 crore. Despite holding a 99 per cent stake in the company, he has not been named in the FIR. While hearing the bail plea of accused Sheetal Tejwani, Justice Madhav Jamdar questioned whether the police were shielding Parth.

Ajit Pawar recently stated that revenue officials should have refused to register the deal. When asked if a new bill passed by the legislature on December 12 was intended to protect his son, Pawar defended his right as an elected representative to amend laws for the public. The bill allows the revenue minister to hear controversial cases relating to the Office of the Inspector General of Registration (IGR). Revenue Minister Chandrashekhar Bawankule said the change enables dissatisfied parties to approach the minister instead of the High Court.

Meanwhile, the opposition claims Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has given a clean-chit to Parth. Senior Congress leader Vijay Wadettiwar said the ruling party did not respond when the issue was raised in the legislature and added they would continue to question it.

Senior activist Vijay Kumbhar from Pune helped bring the scam to light. Kumbhar had previously exposed former chief minister Manohar Joshi for his favours to his son-in-law—a Pune-based builder—forcing him to step down.

He told THE WEEK that these days one cannot expect politicians to step down after being exposed for corruption. He added that the builder-politician nexus had become a partnership. He also said land scams in and around Pune involved Rs10,000 crore. Edited excerpts from an interview:

Q/ You have written to the chief minister about land scams in Pune. Could you tell us about it?

I informed the chief minister that a massive land scam worth thousands of crores has taken place... where government land was illegally transferred into private hands. In my letter, I highlighted the following:

The land was leased to the Botanical Survey of India (BSI). But, private individuals, in collusion with revenue officials, fraudulently attempted to show ownership.

One private individual, Sheetal Tejwani, deposited just Rs11,000 as “land ownership value”, even though no government order existed, no approval was granted and the transaction itself was completely illegal.

Despite this, a sale deed was registered without ownership documents, market value, stamp duty or a valid power of attorney. This clearly shows deliberate manipulation of the system.

I specifically mentioned that revenue officials, including Tehsildar Suryakant Yewale, enabled the illegal transfer. Yewale already has a criminal case in [another] land scam and his record shows a consistent pattern of misusing government land.

I also told the chief minister that officers who have now been appointed to investigate this scam are the same officials who processed and approved the illegal transactions, making the inquiry completely biased and compromised.

I brought to his attention that a private company, Amadea Enterprises LLP, along with certain individuals, attempted to take possession. It even wrote to authorities claiming that BSI must vacate the government land—a shocking and illegal demand.

Documents they submitted include forged or illegally notarised papers, and the land—being agricultural—cannot legally be purchased by a company. Yet, the officials facilitated the transaction.

I urged the chief minister to take immediate and strong action, including cancelling all illegal transactions, filing criminal cases against all involved, removing conflicted officials from the inquiry, ordering an independent judicial or revenue investigation, suspending and initiating departmental action against the responsible officers, and investigating whether these parties have grabbed other government land in Pune.

I clearly stated that this... is a planned and systematic loot of government property. I warned that unless a fair, independent investigation is conducted, this will severely damage public trust in the government’s integrity.

Q/ Do you think Parth Pawar will be arrested like Tejwani?

The chances are low. Even if an arrest has to be made, it will only happen when the situation is completely “safe” and convenient for him—so that he can be released immediately. Under current circumstances, no one will dare to arrest him.

Q/ What is the worth of the land scams in Pune that you have highlighted?

More than Rs10,000 crore.

Q/ Do you feel that the role of the Pune collector should be investigated?

Yes. His role was important. He is the custodian of all the district’s land. He ignored the early warnings about the fraud being committed, and therefore his actions—and inaction—must be investigated.

Q/ How do you look at Ajit Pawar’s role?

Ajit Pawar has claimed no rupee has exchanged hands in this deal. He is the finance minister. He is supposed to take action if the state loses even a single rupee because of corrupt practices. But he is saying that no transaction has taken place and is trying to shield his son Parth.

Revenue Minister [Chandrashekhar] Bawankule, on the other hand, is saying the state has lost revenue as stamp duty of Rs21 crore was not paid. I feel he is equally responsible. Both IGR and revenue are his departments. Senior revenue officers claimed they did not know of the deal. Letter to the collector was given on December 21, 2024. If your officers are not informing you, what is the use of power; you should resign immediately.

Also, the tehsildar who registered the FIR wrote that [Yewale] habitually gives away government land to private persons. Bawankule should find out all scams that Yewale has committed. So Bawankule has a bigger responsibility. All this is so shocking—the entire government machinery is involved in this.

If you follow the trail in any of these scams, the search will lead you to some or other politician. All this is effectively planned. This is a big racket. Now there is another waqf property scam in which Tejwani’s name comes up once again. She has taken power of attorney in many places. Her husband Sagar Suryawanshi is an accused in the Seva cooperative scam. What I came to know was, when this deal with Amadea was happening, Parth Pawar was present.

Q/ You say you have now exposed another scam. What exactly is it?

It involves BJP ex-MP Sanjay Kakade, who is a big builder. The government had taken land for the National Defence Academy from farmers. Their rehabilitation was not done properly. So Kakade’s brother Suryakant took up the cause and got a land parcel of 38 acres for rehabilitation. The condition was that the land would belong to the government and it was to be developed only. Seven acres of the land was given to the Pune Municipal Corporation; nine was no-development zone. From the remaining land, it was decided that 13 acres would be used for development and rehabilitation. So the villagers gave Suryakant a power of attorney. But, without the knowledge of the villagers, he obtained power of attorney for the entire remaining land. Then some land was sold to his family-run Kakade mall when there was no permission to sell or transfer the land. Villagers went to court, the court ordered an FIR against Suryakant. The police said it was an administrative mistake. So the villagers have again gone to court.

how-the-actress-assault-case-involving-dileep-changed-kerala-film-industry-forever

Sat Dec 13 12:31:42 IST 2025

ON DECEMBER 8, the Ernakulam district court complex resembled a crowded film set. People with differing convictions and ideas of justice waited eagerly for the verdict in the February 2017 abduction and rape case involving two prominent actors that had shaken Kerala’s collective conscience.

At 11am, Additional Special Sessions Judge Honey M. Varghese, who had heard the case since 2019, began the proceedings. Of the ten accused, the court found six individuals, including prime accused N.S. Sunil, alias ‘Pulsar Suni’, guilty. However, the courtroom and the world outside remained intensely focused on the fate of accused number 8, influential actor Dileep, whom the prosecution alleged was the master conspirator who had arranged the “quotation” to carry out the sexual assault of the actor in a moving vehicle. As the court pronounced Dileep’s acquittal, the reaction was mixed, with sighs of disappointment as well as relief.

The comments that have poured in since Dileep’s acquittal underscore the same reality: he will remain a polarising figure. Even with a verdict in his favour, those who believe he was guilty will continue to do so, just as those who think he is innocent will never be convinced otherwise. Nevertheless, even those who have been consistent supporters of Dileep over the past eight years acknowledge that the shocking attack endured by the survivor and her prolonged and rare legal battle, along with the women-led movements it sparked, has brought about significant and lasting changes in Kerala’s film industry and beyond.

G. Suresh Kumar, executive member of the Kerala Film Producers’ Association, who met Dileep when he was in jail in connection with the case, said that he believed the case was a conspiracy against Dileep, driven largely by the actor’s prominence. “Dileep was at his peak, and many within the film industry wanted to push him out,” he said. Suresh Kumar further alleged that a section of the film industry colluded with a group of police officers, who, he said, were seeking fame.

Dileep’s first reaction after his acquittal was to allege a conspiracy, directly referencing his former wife, actor Manju Warrier, for what he described as the “real conspiracy” behind the case. The prosecution had built its case on the argument that the actor harboured a personal grudge against the survivor for sharing crucial evidence of his extramarital affair with actor Kavya Madhavan, now his wife, with Warrier.

Dileep appeared to shift swiftly into a retaliatory mode, echoing the arc of many characters he has portrayed on screen. Film producer Saji Nanthyatt, a staunch supporter of Dileep, said that certain people who had developed a grudge because of Dileep’s marriage with Kavya Madhavan conspired to attack the victim, so that the blame would be on Dileep, a natural target because many in the industry knew they had a history. “Also, a pseudo-feminism aimed at dragging Dileep down when he was at his peak,” said the producer.

The survivor has not responded publicly to the verdict so far, but her lawyer Mini T.B. expressed disappointment. In the trial phase itself, the case had witnessed several twists and turns. The entire trial was conducted in camera, as per a petition of the eight accused. In 2019, the case was assigned to Judge Varghese after the survivor requested a female judge. A year later, the prosecution sought to transfer the trial to another judge, raising allegations of bias against the judge; however, the High Court, and later the Supreme Court, dismissed those petitions. Interestingly, two special prosecutors resigned during the trial phase.

“Until the point I quit, the prosecution handled the case properly. What happened after that, I cannot comment on,” said A. Suresan, the first special public prosecutor in the case. He added that he had submitted written representations to the High Court explaining his position. “As for the subsequent prosecutors, based on the information available to me, I believe they, too, handled the case properly,” he said.

Mini, meanwhile, responded to the criticism (about the prosecution’s failure) by noting that a reading of the judgement would reveal the extent of the evidence available to support the conspiracy charge against Dileep, and maintained that the prosecution could not be blamed.

The Association of Malayalam Movie Artistes (AMMA), the influential actors’ body, said it respected the court’s verdict, while the Women in Cinema Collective (WCC)—India’s first female-led group advocating safe, non-discriminatory workspaces—voiced solidarity with the survivor. Actor Parvathy Thiruvothu reacted sharply: “Justice, what? And now we watch a carefully crafted screenplay unfold so cruelly.”

Even before the verdict, the WCC noted that the survivor’s fight had ignited “many tumultuous journeys for women in cinema, the Malayalam film industry, and the state of Kerala”, stressing her struggle was “for every survivor”. The case led to the formation of the Justice Hema Committee, triggered rounds of the #MeToo movement in Kerala, and sparked wider conversations on consent, workplace safety and power dynamics. On-set protocols were strengthened, and the government drafted a film policy, while AMMA revisited its bylaws, fostering a more inclusive environment.

Filmmaker Jeo Baby, who has created women-centric films such as The Great Indian Kitchen, said that the survivor’s legal struggle had had quite a positive impact not only on the film industry but on other professional sectors as well. “Across sectors, beginning with the strengthening of internal complaints committees, there have been several shifts towards making workplaces more gender-equal.”

Even supporters of Dileep acknowledge the changes. Nanthyatt said the film industry implemented internal committees on every shooting set, as directed by the government, and visitors were monitored. “Any form of abuse is unacceptable, and there is now a fear of consequences. There is also increased government surveillance and a clear sense of regulation and restraint.”

we-want-centrism-kamal-haasan-details-his-political-ideology-and-mnm-strategy

Sat Dec 06 15:12:41 IST 2025

KAMAL HAASAN IS KNOWN for speaking his mind, be it on films or politics. And it was no different at Manorama Hortus, the art and literature festival held in Kochi from November 27-30, where the 71-year-old shared the stage with actor Manju Warrier. Clad in a white suit, the Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) president talked to the cheering crowd about his ideology, cinema and his greatest political adversary—casteism.

Haasan might not be a primary player in Tamil Nadu’s changing political landscape, but his sharp voice carries weight and could influence a section of voters, especially the urban elite. And unlike fellow actor Vijay, who is trying to step away from cinema to pursue politics with his Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, Haasan has refused to give up movies. In fact, this June saw him not only being nominated to the Rajya Sabha with the DMK’s backing, but also the release of his latest movie, Thug Life.

Interestingly, the MNM, launched in 2018, had opposed the DMK in its first two elections, calling it a corrupt party of dynasts. In the 2021 assembly elections, his party even spoiled the DMK-led alliance’s chances in some crucial constituencies such as Coimbatore South. Three years later, Haasan joined hands with the DMK, becoming a star campaigner for the alliance across the state. He is expected to do so again in the assembly elections next year.

In a 2018 video, Haasan was seen throwing a remote at a television to signal rejection of traditional political parties. Soon after he joined the DMK alliance, the visual resurfaced on social media, with many questioning his change of heart. At a recent event in Chennai, Haasan addressed the criticism, clarifying that the alliance was to safeguard the state’s rights and to prevent the rise of “fascism”.

“Any constraint or situation did not make us join the DMK alliance. We joined them because our ideologies are similar. The DMK executed the ideas proposed by us in the 2021 election. Should we join hands with them or with someone who does not even recognise us?” he asked the audience. “Don’t fear the dark. I am not afraid of the dark. There will be dawn tomorrow. There will be udhayam (sunrise). Udhayanidhi also will come. He will probably become the chief minister.”

Though the DMK-led alliance has several parties, including the Congress, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) and left parties, the DMK is likely to give the MNM at least two seats to contest. “It might even be on the DMK’s rising sun symbol,” said a DMK MP.

**********************************

We want centrism to go to the people

By Lakshmi Subramanian

Interview/ Kamal Haasan, actor and politician

Q/ What is the difference between you and other actors who have entered politics?

I think a personality explanation is needed before I go into bombastic claims. Even when I went into cinema, there were thousands of people more talented than me. I came in, not with great training, but definitely with more training than most people. And I came into a field like Kerala and Tamil Nadu, where there was no dearth of actors. But I managed. Likewise, here, too, Kamal Haasan will manage.

Q/ Do you always stand on ideology?

Yes. Even in my films I had ideology. At least in Raaj Kamal Films (his production house), because I work with other people [on other projects] and I cannot compel them by saying, ‘This is what I want’. But when Raaj Kamal produces a film, it has an ideology. It only makes that kind of cinema.

Likewise, as a politician, I have an ideology. I am a centrist, and we are the only centrist party in Asia. Centrism is international, but we are the only ones in Asia. That is the reason we think we can make a difference. We wilfully came into politics; we were not threatened into joining it. We want centrism to go to the people. I believe centrism will be the central pivot and grounding point for democracy to survive.

Q/ How do you want the Gen Z to know you? Do you want the Vikram (2022) image of you in their minds or would you insist they watch Guna (1991) and Anbe Sivam (2003), too?

I can want what I want, but they will choose what they want. And I am sure they will make the choice that is suitable for them. By the time they are in their 40s, they will be wise enough to make slight alterations or not make any alterations at all.

Q/ So will you give them more of what they want, especially those in their 20s?

That is what I am trying to do. I hope I succeed. If I do, then my work so far must have been good.

Q/ Is this why you keep learning? Now you have learnt about AI, too.

Yes. I keep learning. In my experience, everyone will have to keep developing their skills. It doesn’t matter if you have already reached a state where you don’t have to [do so]. If you don’t learn, you will be left behind by a world that is rapidly moving forward, technologically. So, my request to people is to please keep improving your skills.

is-aurovilles-utopian-dream-under-threat-from-its-own-development-plan

Mon Dec 15 20:49:31 IST 2025

Peace and tranquillity greet the dawn along Puducherry’s coastline. The sound of waves recedes as one turns into the French Quarter’s well-laid streets, lit by soft yellow lamps. A grille gate opens into a serene area, where the scent of flowers deepens the silence. Volunteers guide visitors toward the rectangular marble samadhi of Sri Aurobindo and Mirra Alfassa at the iconic Sri Aurobindo Ashram. A 30-minute meditation near the samadhi makes you experience inner peace.

Sri Aurobindo arrived in Puducherry in 1910 to pursue his spiritual quest. His vision and teachings attracted a growing circle of disciples. When he withdrew into seclusion in 1926, the mantle passed to Alfassa, known as the Mother, who carried forward the spiritual torch of Aurobindo’s teachings.

Auroville—a lush, sprawling 57-year-old township with international roots—lies barely 12km away from the French Quarter. A narrow lane dotted with tamarind and neem trees hides the iconic golf ball-like structure at the centre of the township. The Matri Mandir, as it is known, describes the divinity and the serene beauty of Auroville.

Launched by the Mother after Aurobindo’s passing, it was envisioned as a place where people from all over the world could live together in peace and harmony. Situated in Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district, with parts of the 3,000-acre property extending into Puducherry, the township was designed by the French architect Roger Anger. Auroville is derived from the name of Sri Aurobindo. It is believed that representatives from many nations and Indian states - from 124 nations and 23 Indian states- brought handfuls of soil and placed it in a specially designed marble urn at the centre of Auroville to mark the laying of its foundation on February 28, 1968.

Auroville’s bioregion has more than three million trees. Over 2,700 people from 50 nations live here. “Auroville belongs to nobody in particular. It belongs to humanity as a whole. But to live in Auroville, one must be a willing servitor,” says Jayanti S. Ravi, secretary of the Auroville Foundation.

The township produces leather goods, ethnic clothing, incense, aromatic oils, semi-precious ornaments and a hundred kinds of trinkets. “It is not just the question of immersing yourself; it is getting out of the materialistic world and working as a community. There cannot be any materialistic desires in Aurovillians,” says Anuradha Majumdar, a member of the working committee of the Auroville Foundation.

From ceramicists to painters, printers, sculptors and craftsmen, Auroville has nurtured a wide variety of experimental creators. It is also home to a semiconductor chip design centre and a music-healing centre. The chips designed by the young team at Auroville led by IITian and PhD scholar Sanjeev Ranganathan were used in drones in the Ukraine war. “I have been at Auroville for over 12 years,” says Ranganathan. “It has helped me synthesise many aspects of my life. I have come here to serve the divine.”

Auroville’s master plan resembles the form of a galaxy with several arms extending from a central region. The form was envisioned by the Mother herself. At the centre is the Matri Mandir, and radiating outward from it are four zones, each focusing on an important aspect of the township’s life—industrial, cultural, residential and international. The surrounding township is a green belt consisting of forested areas, farms and sanctuaries with scattered settlements.

“The Mother got one of the top architects of the time from Paris and she designed this whole city,” says Ravi. “Every little thing was designed by her. She even talked of this element called “the Crown”, where only e-vehicles will go at a [maximum] speed of 16kmph. I don’t think Tesla or any other electronic major existed when she envisioned this.”

The governing board of the Auroville Foundation, led by Ravi and members like Tamil Nadu Governor R.N. Ravi and Puducherry Lieutenant Governor N. Kailashanathan, is working towards realising the master plan to turn it into a self-sustained city.

“We believe the galaxy plan envisioned by the Mother is a sacred geometry; it is a yantrik plan,” says Sindhuja Jagadeesh, who came to Auroville to work under the guidance of architect Andre Hababou of Auromodele Atelier.

Auroville has not been free of internal conflicts and disputes, especially in the past three decades. In 1988, the Union government passed the Auroville Foundation Act to introduce a threefold governance structure for the township that comprises the governing board (appointed by the government of India), an international advisory council and the residents’ assembly. All assets are vested in the Auroville Foundation, headed by its secretary. The residents’ assembly handles community life, the governing body has experts overseeing policy based on suggestions from the advisory council. A government-appointed secretary coordinates administration, including resident registration, and visa and legal matters.

The Mother’s vision was to draw 50,000 servitors to the township to pursue the path to realising Aurobindo’s vision. But in these 57 years, only 2,000 have been mustered for the cause. Half of them are Indian, and the rest are mostly French and German. At its peak, the township was home to 3,500 people from 64 nations.

The Auroville Foundation Act was passed with an aim to “protect the community”, but most Aurovillians—particularly the French and the Germans—do not see it that way. “The spirit of Auroville is under threat,” says a French member of the residents’ assembly, who has been living in Auroville for 30 years. According to him, the Union government’s intervention sidelined Auroville’s two important authorities—the residents’ assembly and international advisory council. Since a new governing board was constituted five years ago, Auroville has been marred with protests, evictions, legal battles and power struggles. “It is an obvious imposition of external authority,” says one of the protesters. According to her deforestation is happening and farmlands are being ruined to implement new projects that apparently do not align with the vision of the Mother.

Key projects proposed by the governing board of the Auroville Foundation include the launch of the first phase of a 1,000-bed residential complex to house 380 individuals, a tram line, a Crown Road, and a sustainability campus in association with IIT Madras. The government has reportedly invested nearly Rs1,700 crore in the projects. “Several construction projects that the governing board has approved are against the rules laid by the foundation,” says Major Arun P. Ambathy, a resident.

Protesters say deforestation, visa denials and threats are the new norm in Auroville. “The ecosystem in Auroville is known as tropical dry evergreen forest (TDEF), which is a rare type of forest indigenous to southeast India. Auroville is home to the largest such in the world,” says Ambathy. “But deforestation is happening at a faster pace here in the name of development.”

Two residents—Navroz Kersasp Mody and Sandeep Vinod Sarah—have obtained a stay order against tree-felling from the National Green Tribunal. “We also offered to collaborate with the foundation and the governing body to work on a trajectory for the Crown that takes into account their concerns [regarding] mobility and infrastructure needs…. But unfortunately, there are people who believe that the Crown must be a perfect circle as indicated in the schematic maps, as they believe a perfect circle has the occult power to accelerate the development of Auroville,” says a foreign resident.

However, according to Jayanti Ravi, the NGT stay order, which was issued in December 2021, and the entire judgment of the NGT, issued on April 28, 2022, was quashed by the Supreme Court on March 17, 2025. “The judgment of the Supreme Court has unequivocally set aside the NGT order, stating that it has jurisdictional defect and maintaining that the master plan had statutory force and should be implemented by the Governing Board. Therefore, the claim by the protesters calling the implementation of the master plan authoritarian doesn’t have any legal mandate,” she clarifies.

The protesters allege that, over the past three years, at least 300 Aurovillians have either left or been asked to leave the township. The visa renewal of at least 150 residents is pending, and more than 10 Aurovillians are stranded abroad. Jayanti Ravi dismisses this claim by the residents and says that from July 2021 to September, 23, 2025, a total of 2,601 applications—comprising entry visas and stay visa extensions—were processed, and recommendations have been issued for all of them, which in turn represents a 100 per cent visa recommendation issuance. Only two former residents received Leave India notices from the ministry of home affairs, which again is based on MHA’s own internal inquiry and report. “Even if we have to consider these two cases, it means 99.92 per cent of the visas of the foreigners have been renewed,” says Ravi. In fact, this is extraordinary compared to the visa rates of some other countries in the world, she points out.

According to the foundation and Jayanti Ravi, over 50,000 residents have passed through Auroville in the last 57 years. “The number has been stagnant at about 2,000 since 2005, and at any given moment, there have not been more than 2,000 residents in Auroville. But the register of residents did not receive a meaningful update since 2005. And only since 2022, after the new administration took charge, the long pending task of updating the register of residents was done. After years of calling out to residents to fill the form and be available for verification of living and working in Auroville, and being compliant with the residence criteria, which was pronounced by the Mother in 1968 as admission guidelines—about 550 previously registered residents were found to have either left Auroville several years ago permanently, deceased, or living in Auroville without a valid visa, or in violation of the residence criteria and hence could not be verified as residents. This shows that the residency, for some, was a mere status symbol, and people were using this status illegally to retain assets that belonged to Auroville or to vote online in processes which were conducted also without the authorisation of the administration and without a verified register of residents. Now, since the formation of the Admissions and Terminations Scrutinising Committee (ATSC) under the Auroville Foundation (Admissions and Termination of Persons from the Register of Residents) Regulations 2023, it has been ascertained that 2,082 persons from all over the world have come from 2021 to 2025 to join Auroville as volunteers, which is the first necessary stage of the process to becoming a resident. About 589 persons have completed their newcomer process and are now waiting to be formally entered into the Register of Residents. The number of people that have either left Auroville or died since 2021 is 68—about 17 persons per annum,” explains Ravi.

The entry of 2,082 persons since 2021 makes it clear that at least 488 persons a year come in to Auroville from all over the world. There are 872 children in Auroville between the ages of one and 18. These numbers clearly indicate the growing population inside Auroville, as against the claims made by the protesters, who are only a mere faction of the residents. “Everyday, the ATSC receives an enormous number of applications to join, and Auroville strives to keep up its development of infrastructure and housing to handle the influx of willing volunteers who aspire to join the community. Apart from this for the first time, the ATSC assesses the compliance of people in the RoR against the residence criteria and updates the RoR annually. This is based on the guidelines given by the Mother herself, which had been ignored since decades,” says Jayanti Ravi.

“There is a deliberate attempt to quash dissent,” says one other resident, who lives in Auroville with her husband. According to her husband, visa renewals now come with a validity of just two to three months—apparently to make sure that the foreign residents do not get to come back.

“However the foreigners residing in Auroville can get visas only under the Indian immigration law, which is a sovereign prerogative of the Government of India and cannot be termed as a right. Every Auroville visa requires periodic renewal, is subject to recommendation of the Auroville Foundation and is finally decided by the ministry of home affairs (MHA). As per law, long duration of stay doesn’t confer any automatic right to a visa,” Ravi says.

Foreigners in Auroville are eligible for two specific types of visas created for them—X-2 and X-3. Frederick Schulze-Buxloh, an 86-year-old German who helped build the Auroville community from scratch, is one of the many people bearing the brunt of visa delays and simmering tensions. An inquiry committee report has accused him of purchasing benami properties and organising mob attacks inside Auroville. The protesters inside claim that he was issued a “Leave India” notice in May this year by the ministry of home affairs. But as per records Frederik was issued an exit permit by the FRRO and not a Leave India notice as claimed by the protesters, according to Auroville Foundation. In fact an exit permit is a standard administrative instrument when a person is found to be in India without a valid visa. The Auroville Foundation had in fact recommended his visa. “The MHA independently reviewed the case and delayed clearance due to multiple documented complaints and long-term obstruction of statutory development work. Earlier this year, the FRRO revoked its exit permit and issued Frederik an Entry X2 Visa. To be precise the final decision of a visa issuance rests solely with the Government of India, not the Auroville Foundation. And because he is a cancer patient, the foundation and the Government of India have renewed his visa and he has been allowed to stay back in India,” Ravi clarifies.

Ravi maintains that visa renewals happen on time. Despite the conflict and the protest, Ravi, an IAS officer, is determined to realise the galaxy plan. While the government is playing a larger role to make the Mother’s vision come true, “the protesters inside—a strong vocal clique, who are just a mere faction of residents—are strongly opposing the lawful development of Auroville, according to Ravi. This clique, she says, does not represent the community. “While opposing the development plans the protesters seem to control the narrative by spinning media wars, with wild slander of Auroville and its ongoings on media and social media, filing frivolous court cases." There have been over 24 court cases filed by them in the last three years. And out of these 24 cases, 23 have been dismissed by the court. Some of the residents who have been helping the administration have raised concerns of harassment and intimidation by this group,” Ravi clarifies.

Legally, the Auroville is a statutory township under the Auroville Foundation Act, 1988. And as per law, the Government of India is constitutionally responsible for land protection, infrastructure funding, residency regulation and all administration and management including that of funds. As per the Act, the residents have the right to advise the Governing Board on all matters and a majority of residents are appointed to committees of the Governing Board. “This a good indicator of the continuing trend of participatory governance,” says Ravi. Participation in Auroville, however, does not replace rule of law and it functions within it. The Foundation comprises three bodies under it namely the Governing Board, the Residents Assembly and the International Advisory Council. The Governing Board derives authority directly from Parliamentary legislation specifically Sections 11(3) and 17 of the Act. Voluntary residents, authority groups and community bodies have consultative roles, not sovereign Section 11(3) of the Act. Incidentally, the current development is corrective governance, not ideological deviation, says Ravi. “The current development and efforts are ever closer to the ideology and raison d’etre of Auroville than ever before,” she says.

Gautam Goshal, a governing board member, says it was only after Ravi’s arrival that much-needed changes in Auroville happened. “Auroville’s achievements are not to be denied, but it is a fact that there was stagnation and paralysis,” Goshal says. “Auroville, if it wanted to be alive, had to wake up.”

we-shall-implement-master-plan-designed-by-the-mother-jayanti-ravi-secretary-auroville-foundation

Tue Dec 09 18:21:47 IST 2025

Interview/ Jayanti Ravi, secretary, Auroville Foundation

Q/ When you took over, what was your idea of Auroville, and how has it changed under you?

A/ I am not new to Sri Aurobindo’s philosophy. I had the privilege, way back in 2009, of working under Prof Kireet Joshi, IAS, who was the adviser to the chief minister of Gujarat. He had an inner calling and came to the ashram, gave up everything, and was with the Mother till she breathed her last. He worked with Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Murli Manohar Joshi, and then became adviser to our current PM. He is the person who drafted the Auroville Act.

So, he had told me about all the things happening here, and how the Mother’s vision of the city had to be built. He passed away in 2014. He had taught me to read Life Divine, a book by Aurobindo. It is very tough for somebody to read and understand Aurobindo, even for an intelligent person, because everything he writes is very dense.

So when I came here I knew the vision of this place was about manifesting a city, which is not like any other city where there is a lot of commercialism. It would be the most beautiful, functional, economically sufficient city. It will also have a soul and a heart.

Q) How do you plan to implement the Mother’s vision of Auroville?

A/ Aurobindo envisioned that everything should be done with deep sincerity and faith, offering it to the Divine. He conceptualised and spoke about agnostic communities, although they were anchored in faith. He said we have to go beyond the mind and the man. He wanted a "sandbox" – a place where people who wanted to be guinea pigs in this adventure of consciousness could do the best work, not like an ashram where you give up. This included creating the Matri Mandir and building a city – doing all of this with the best quality, sensitively, with consciousness, and with reverence to the Divine.

This idea of Aurobindo is what the Mother envisioned and created. She gave a complete sketch and drawing of the city with every detail. The sketch was not just vague lines. Though she was in her 90s, she never compromised on mediocrity. She got one of the top architects of the time, Roger Anger, from Paris, France, to design this whole city. The same plan was adopted by Kireet Joshi, which was approved by the Resident Assembly and the Government of India way back in 2001. She put up a full design of this galaxy plan and said, “If you are willing, come here as a servitor.” "Willing" means you are voluntary; you are not being forced. "Servitor" means you are a servant of the Divine. So, she wanted us to excel.

Q/ The residents say you are trying to implement an agenda.

A/ The intentions of people when they join are good, but over time they start feeling that this is their land. This entire project initially had nothing to do with the government. But after the Mother left, it went right up to the Supreme Court. People say there were attacks, killings and bloodshed. Then, finally, the residents requested way back in the 1970s to let the government of India take over. The government of India made an act called the Emergency Provision Act in 1980. Then came the Auroville Foundation Act, 1988.

The current team is also trying to be sacrosanct and implicit in following the master plan—because the act is all about the master plan. It says we shall implement the master plan as designed by the Mother. When I joined here, I had a series of meetings with all the stakeholders because everything was in a bit of a logjam.

The land here belongs to the government as per the act. That is the starting point of the conflict… Auroville belongs to nobody in particular. It belongs to humanity as a whole, but to live in Auroville, one must be a willing servitor. But there were people who came here for 2-3 months, more like a vacation. Auroville is not New York or Delhi or Paris. It was meant to be something different. It is not a city with brick and mortar, but with humanity. That was the vision of the Mother.

The truth is that there were lots of complaints here. Anybody who lives in Tamil Nadu knows that drugs, trafficking and idol theft complaints and even paedophilia was happening here. So, there was a lot of tension between foreigners and Tamil villagers, because all of them had given this land as the Mother wanted.

Q/ Why and how did the controversy actually start?

A/ The governing board's first meeting happened in 1991. I am particular that I abide by proper records. I checked all the meeting minutes. The governing board, even in past meetings until 2010, repeatedly maintained that the residents were not listening to them. The residents feel the governing board is their enemy because the board wants the city plan to be implemented, and a section of residents, not all, was opposed to it. The political, financial, and administrative powers were concentrated in a few families and individuals within Auroville. They were, in a way, controlling Auroville for the last several years. But when we said that we were implementing Mother’s vision there, we felt helpless and frustrated. This governing board felt that we shouldn't just be complaining, but we should slowly and steadily move forward. So, when we started, there was opposition. But the good news is we have started building the 4.4 km crown road. The local residents who came forward to build the Matri Mandir said that they would make the road as per the design with their contributions. We have to implement the plan in a time-bound manner.

Q/ The Mother said that 50,000 people will live here. But that hasn’t happened. Why?

A/ True. So, there must be so many others, like the residents here who are from different corners of the world, who want to come here. They cannot come if there is no housing, drinking water, or electricity. So, the purpose of this planned city is also true, so that as we work together on a mission of building the city, that itself changes something within us and makes us more united. The Mother said, "You build the city, and in building the city, you will also experience unity."

Q/ You were talking about the Mother's vision and how the residents were opposing it. What were the challenges?

A/ There are assets called "red assets" here. Some of the buildings were on the Crown Road, designed and built by the residents. In 2016, much before I arrived, the Secretary of Auroville Foundation was designated as the Estates Officer, who has the summary powers of eviction. I have done that now, after giving notices to those who encroached on the Crown Road, as per the Act of Parliament and the Public Premises Act, which is the central act. Slowly, one by one, we cleared every encroachment, and during the course, the case went up to the NGT. For nearly two years, we had to stop building the Crown Road. Fortunately, the Supreme Court's order then came, which unequivocally ruled against the encroachers.

Q/ Why is everyone against the governing body, particularly after you took over? The protesters say that the colours of Auroville are changing. That it is being saffronised.

A/ When there is a long period of inertia or a status quo, and when you start questioning that status quo, opposition naturally arises. When we started, there was so much protest and anger. Even now, everyone here follows a pattern, but the groups which were previously enjoying this continue to oppose it.

Q/ It is said that IIT is building a tram here and there are several other constructions.

A/ We stand to benefit if it develops to its full splendor, leading to significant economic development. IIT is setting up a campus focused on sustainability. Although it's outside the master plan, we have land available outside. It will focus on green energy, hydrogen fuel, and zero-emission tracking, mirroring Auroville's focus on sustainability.

Q/ It is said that 300 Aurovillians were forced to leave as their visas were not approved. A person named Federick has alleged that his visa wasn’t renewed.

A/ That is not true. Only two people have been given exit visa or a “Leave India” notice. I have to give the recommendation letter for them to renew their visas. But the ultimate decision is taken by the ministry of home affairs….

And 99.92 per cent of them have been given visas as per their request. The visas of only three people weren’t renewed. One of them was involved in drugs; one of them got a team from Delhi to protest here; and Federick was staying here for the past two years without a valid visa. He had been given an exit permit because he was staying here without a valid visa for two years. But we are considering his age, and the fact that he is also suffering from cancer. We will allow [him to stay], although he is one of the main protesters.

inside-indias-first-digital-tribal-museum-a-tribute-to-unsung-heroes-of-chhattisgarh

Sat Dec 06 12:10:57 IST 2025

NAVA RAIPUR

MINING AND NAXALISM HAVE, for years, shaped the conversations around Chhattisgarh. But now, the state is carving out a new identity, one rooted in its rich tribal culture and history.

Just six months after opening its first tribal museum in Nava Raipur, it has unveiled another—a freedom fighters’ museum dedicated to the many tribal groups who rose against the British but rarely found space in mainstream narratives. Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh Memorial and Tribal Freedom Fighters Museum—named after Chhattisgarh’s first freedom fighter who was part of the 1857 rebellion—in Nava Raipur on November 1.

It is a joint venture of the Union tribal affairs ministry and the state government. Spread across 9.75 acres and built at a cost of Rs53.13 crore, it has been billed as India’s first digital tribal museum.

The first thing you notice upon entering is an installation of a tree—a blend of saja, sal and mahua—central to the tribal way of life. Behind it hang the symbols of tribal resistance. Three pieces of graffiti: The first, a fist holding a mango twig, signalling people to gather for a meeting; the second, where the fist clutches both a mango twig and red chillies, indicating that a decision was to be taken; and the third, where the fist also grips an arrow, calling for a meeting to plan armed resistance.

These elements set the tone as you move into the galleries—16 in all, with nearly 650 sculptures and digital displays depicting major tribal uprisings, from the Halba and Sarguja Kranti to the jhanda (flag) and jungle satyagrahas.

The display begins with a vivid portrayal of tribal life in Chhattisgarh, captured through life-size statues of men and women dancing, beating drums, tending to animals and moving through their daily lives. One of the most striking displays is the ‘Kaanta Jhula’, or thorn swing. Anil Virulkar, assistant director at the Tribal Research and Training Institute, explained that a person possessed by a divine spirit would sit on it.

The galleries also depict the cultures of several particularly vulnerable tribal groups, such as the Abujhmadia, Baiga, Kamar, Birhor and Pahadi Korwa.

The display traces how tribal lives were upended with the arrival of the British and the Marathas, the atrocities that followed, the violence unleashed, and the many stories of tribal resistance from 1774 to 1939.

The museum has several interactive audio-visual displays and a mini-theatre, which runs a short film on the struggle of tribal leaders such as Veer Narayan Singh, Ramadhin Gond and Gaind Singh.

“We’re planning an amphitheatre, too,” said Sonmoni Borah, principal secretary of the state tribal welfare department.

The state government is also taking other steps to showcase its tribal heritage. “We are strengthening public awareness through school curriculum updates, documentation projects and national cultural platforms,” Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai told THE WEEK.

This year marks 25 years since the formation of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, both carved out in recognition of their significant tribal populations. While Jharkhand foregrounds its role in the freedom struggle through the legacy of Birsa Munda, Chhattisgarh is doing the same through Veer Narayan Singh. “Our identity today is one that combines cultural pride, youth aspirations and peaceful development, moving far beyond the stereotypes of the past,” said Sai. “In a state where the tribal population is nearly 31 per cent, initiatives such as PM JANMAN (Pradhan Mantri Janjati Adiwasi Nyaya Maha Abhiyan) and the Dharti Aaba Abhiyan have further strengthened efforts to preserve, promote and celebrate tribal heritage.”

While the latest museum marks a significant step, for a visitor its ambition can be overwhelming. Housing 16 rebellions under one roof can be difficult to absorb at one go. Its location, far from Raipur city, can also pose a challenge. “We’re planning for a bus stop here,” said Borah.

But why focus on a museum when the state faces challenges such as development and Naxalism? “At a time when development is reaching even our most remote villages and Naxal footprints have sharply shrunk, institutions like this museum hold special significance,” said the chief minister. “They help our people reconnect with their heritage and draw strength from the sacrifices of our tribal ancestors. Cultural spaces build confidence, deepen identity and remind society that progress is not only about infrastructure, but also about preserving memory and honouring those who shaped our history.”

inside-the-growing-rift-between-tmc-govt-and-bengal-governor-ananda-bose

Fri Nov 28 17:09:36 IST 2025

IN WEST BENGAL, the tussle between Governor C.V. Ananda Bose and the ruling Trinamool Congress recently intensified after TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee accused Bose of sheltering “BJP-backed criminals” inside Raj Bhavan and arming them “with guns and bombs” to target party workers. Bose soon took the unprecedented step of ordering an extraordinary search of the Raj Bhavan campus—by state police, Central forces, dog squads and bomb squads.

“Caesar’s wife must be above suspicion; that applies to the governor as well,” Bose, who has been in office since November 2022, told THE WEEK. “When the wild allegation was made, I decided that the best thing to do was to show the truth as it is. They detected nothing. This was to uphold the credibility and dignity of the governor’s office.”

Banerjee, who has represented the state government at the Supreme Court and the Calcutta High Court, has vowed to take the matter to court. Bose, unfazed, said he had already filed a police complaint against Banerjee for derogatory statements, which has resulted in Banerjee being booked under various sections of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS). Banerjee has filed a counter-complaint at the same Hare Street police station, including charges of criminal conspiracy and acts endangering India’s sovereignty. “They decided to go to court; I am also going to court. So we are on the same page,” Bose said.

The governor said he wanted to distinguish the attacks on him as an individual from the attacks on the constitutional office he occupies. “When they attack me as an individual, I do not mind…. As an institution, it is my duty to uphold the Constitution and be with the people,” Bose said.

Banerjee’s comments came after Bose’s public remarks on the special intensive revision (SIR) of electoral rolls and his assertion that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance swept Bihar because people accepted the SIR process. With the month-long SIR now underway across 12 states and Union territories—including poll-bound West Bengal and Tamil Nadu—the TMC has opposed the exercise. “SIR is a means to ensure free and fair polls,” said Bose. “I am very optimistic that, in Bengal, it will go very impartially.”

With the 2026 assembly polls drawing near, the BJP and Trinamool are locked in a bitter contest. The BJP, despite its confidence ahead of the 2021 election, found the task of capturing West Bengal near impossible: the party won 77 seats, while the Trinamool retained power with 215.

From Bose’s perspective, the times are getting tougher for the Trinamool government. “Corruption is there in various ways—education, police, political circles. In the last three years, I sanctioned prosecution against three ministers. Two are in jail; one is going to be in jail. This is not a happy situation for me. Corruption must be rooted out. There should be zero tolerance.”

Bose said he did not want to name the ministers. “The three ministers have been charged by the ED or the CBI,” he said. “Legally they have to ask the governor permission; I have given them the permission in all three cases.”

Bose said he arrived in Bengal with apprehensions, shaped by warnings from leaders in Delhi. “Most of the apprehensions were based on the way politics is run here. I was told this is a state with a lot of corruption and violence. So it was difficult to handle,” he said.

What is reprehensible, he added, is the politics of violence in the state. “Similarly, corruption is not only tolerated, it is sometimes respected in political circles. These two cancerous growths on the body politic of Bengal—violence and corruption—must be fought. I do not attribute them to any one party.”

Despite the turbulent relationship between the state government and Raj Bhavan, Bose is measured in his assessment of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. “It is a meandering journey with mazy motion. There are some ups and downs. But I have maintained a very cordial, mutually respectful relationship with the chief minister. In personal matters, I am very happy we are able to maintain that bonhomie,” Bose said.

He insists on maintaining an institutional boundary. “I object to whatever is not within the Constitution or the law. Politics is not my cup of tea. Political rhetoric is different; administrative reality is different.”

Bose believes that maintaining an on-ground connect with the people is essential for carrying out his constitutional duty. “The oath taken by the governor has two parts: uphold the Constitution and work for the welfare of the people,” he said. “I am with the people. You have to go to the people to understand their feelings, perceptions and apprehensions.”

A native of Kerala, Bose says his attachment to Bengal runs deeper than his three years in office. “Bengal is my second home. Right from childhood, I have been reading Rabindranath Tagore and Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. My father was a freedom fighter, and he used to tell us stories about Netaji Bose.” His father’s admiration for Subhas Chandra Bose is also the reason behind his surname: “He was a votary of Netaji. That is why I am named Bose. All my siblings are, too,” he said.

What comes next for him and Bengal? Bose turned to T.S. Eliot for an enigmatic answer, quoting the line that ends The Waste Land: “Om shanti, shanti, shanti.” Is that a message of hope for the violence-stricken land he calls his second home? “Yes,” he said. “Shanti in every respect.”

we-are-negating-what-delhi-has-been-doing-tn-industries-minister-trb-rajaa

Fri Nov 28 17:05:16 IST 2025

Interview/ T.R.B. Rajaa, industries minister, Tamil Nadu

A WEEK AFTER the special intensive revision (SIR) was rolled out in Tamil Nadu, the ruling DMK took to the streets in protest. The moment he walked into his office after the protest, State Industries Minister T.R.B. Rajaa received a call from Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin. “Give me 30 minutes. I will be back to take your questions,” he told THE WEEK, as he rushed into his car. As secretary of the DMK’s IT wing and one of Chief Minister M.K. Stalin’s key ministers, Rajaa plays a huge role in decision-making in the party and the government. He kept his promise, and sat down with THE WEEK to talk on various issues—from new investments coming into the state to the SIR and the DMK’s prospects in the upcoming assembly elections. Excerpts:

Q/ Tamil Nadu has a target of $1 trillion economy. How does the government plan to achieve that?

A/ The key to achieving a trillion-dollar economy is to ensure that we have distributed growth. A cluster in growth suffocates the output of talent.... We have ticked all the boxes when it comes to manufacturing services. We are now getting into research and development and patents.... In the primary sectors, too, we are pushing for value addition.... While India is growing at 6.6 per cent, we are growing at 11.19 per cent. This is a targeted approach.

Q/ How do you plan to attract global manufacturers shifting out of China, Vietnam and southeast Asia?

A/ Tamil Nadu is the talent capital of India. Everybody who is shifting out of China, which is now known more for quality products than cheap ones, expects top-notch quality. For that, our pitch is research and development. We are not interested in incentive numbers, but in package value.

The major pitch for dravidian model 2.0 is high-end white-collar jobs for all our highly educated youngsters. The next step will be Product Nation Tamil Nadu, where we will make products for the world. We will have a bigger avatar of StartupTN in the near future. That is why you saw VinFast coming to Tamil Nadu. We have tailored talent for the companies coming into India. Their first port of call is Chennai.

Q/ How do you think Tamil Nadu should position itself in the semiconductor sector?

A/ Tamil Nadu should have had its due share in the semiconductor ecosystem. All the semiconductor players that are already in India had come to Tamil Nadu first. But once they went to Delhi for the incentive package, they were taken off from us.

But you can’t take manufacturing or talent out of Tamil Nadu. I am happy for my north Indian sisters and brothers, for Gujarat and other states that are getting this ecosystem. But all those investors know that their output would have been better if they had been in Tamil Nadu.

So, what we are doing now is negating what Delhi has been doing. We are focusing on our strength, which is talent. Now, Germany, Taiwan and Japan have tech, but not talent. The fresh talent comes from Tamil Nadu. The Naan Mudhalvan scheme, launched by our chief minister, has trained individuals. We are asking the Union government to enable better R&D and to not put a diversion board every time a player comes in.

Q/ What is your take on Tamil Nadu’s export-driven sectors, particularly in the wake of the Trump tariffs?

A/ There are sectors that are affected by tariffs and those that have been kept out of it as of now. I am saying as of now because we don’t know what will happen tomorrow. Right now, I see a big hit for the textile sector. When I was in Delhi with the Union Minister for Industry Piyush Goyal, I shared our concern on the effects of the Trump tariffs on the textile sector.

The chief minister of Tamil Nadu stands shoulder to shoulder with the prime minister of India when it comes to people’s welfare. I trust the Union of India will take a wise and responsible decision when it comes to the tariffs. States like Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra must be consulted when such decisions are being taken as we are the biggest stakeholders in manufacturing and exports.

Apart from textiles, the seafood sector is heavily hit. We are making sure that we add more value to seafood processing and the local cold chain network. To balance this, you will see interesting announcements in the near future for the aquaculture industry.

Q/ The defence corridor was launched in 2019. Is it stuck?

A/ For defence, it is always a slow process. There are only two AMD (advanced materials and defence) corridors in India—one is in Uttar Pradesh and one is in Tamil Nadu. We have been supplying components to Chandrayaan and some of the world leaders like Boeing. Recently, our leader also went and met people at Rolls Royce and we are taking all efforts to bring it to Tamil Nadu.... We have plans to rope in investments at Sulur in Coimbatore soon. Across Tamil Nadu, there are major efforts in the space sector. The propellant park in Thoothukudi is coming up very soon.

Q/ Tamil Nadu has achieved a record 11.19 per cent economic growth. What is your growth prediction for the end of the decade?

A/ With Dravida model 2.0 in place, I am seeing higher double digits. You will see rapid change. I see the number being pushed beyond the 14-15 per cent mark.

Q/ What is the status of the SIR rollout in Tamil Nadu?

A/ On paper, we are very optimistic. But this is like Modi’s demonetisation decision. This shows their haste, their greed in trying to derail democracy itself. I strongly believe that this has been their biggest blunder. They have now touched the basic right of every citizen. The low IQ opposition that we have in Tamil Nadu does not seem to understand it. It is so fascinated and enslaved to the BJP that it would rather please the BJP than support and stand for democracy in India. SIR is a sham and it is a blot on the history of India. My leader will ensure that every single person in Tamil Nadu gets voting rights.

Q/ The elections are fast approaching. Tamil Nadu is not like how it used to be in 2021. The mindset of the voters has changed.

A/ I totally disagree. People have the same opinion regarding the DMK as in 2021. It is because they have seen what the DMK could do and the rise of Tamil Nadu against Delhi, despite the latter’s saffronisation efforts.

pune-land-scam-how-parth-pawars-deal-has-damaged-devendra-fadnavis-govts-image

Sat Nov 15 13:39:27 IST 2025

AJIT PAWAR, once again, finds himself up a creek without a paddle. But this time, it was his son Parth who put him in the canoe.

On May 20, Parth’s company Amadea Enterprises LLP—in which he and cousin Digvijay Patil own 99 per cent and 1 per cent, respectively—allegedly bought 40 acres of Mahar watan land in the posh Koregaon Park area of Pune for Rs300 crore; the market price of the plot is said to be around Rs1,800 crore. Moreover, only Rs500 was paid as stamp duty instead of the required Rs21 crore.

A watan, in old Marathi usage, was land granted to a person for providing a service to the village or state. In this case, the land originally granted to the Mahar community, which the state took over post independence.

On November 6, Ajit, the deputy chief minister, told reporters that he had nothing to do with the deal. “When children become adults, they do their own business,” he said. “I don’t support any wrong deed. If I make a mistake, I try to correct it. But in this case, I am not involved.”

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, already embattled with allegations against several leaders in the ruling alliance, immediately ordered an inquiry. “Prima facie, the issue appears to be serious,” he said. “I have sought all the information from relevant departments and orders have been given to conduct an investigation.”

It was a regional news channel that broke the story and, as soon as word spread, the Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) sought Ajit’s resignation. They also questioned how a company that had a share capital of only Rs1 lakh could raise Rs300 crore. In response, Ajit said he had never flouted any rules in his career and if anyone from his family had done something wrong, he would never support it. “I have called Chief Minister Fadnavis and told him that he can order a probe,” he said.

Interestingly, Supriya Sule, NCP (Sharad Pawar) working president, said she did not think Parth could do something like this. Sharad Pawar, too, stepped in, taking a balanced stand that a fair investigation must be conducted and that family and politics were different.

As per reports, the deal was struck on the basis of a power of attorney (PoA) granted by 272 “owners” to businesswoman Sheetal Tejwani. These people were supposed heirs of the original owners of the land—given as grant pre-independence—and in that capacity granted the PoA. Having gotten them to agree, Tejwani apparently made the deal with Amadea.

However, the 7/12 extract—a key land ownership record in Maharashtra—shows the state government as the owner of the 40-acre plot, making any sale that had happened legally untenable. Moreover, Pune Collector Jitendra Dudi told reporters that the land was on lease to the Botanical Survey of India till 2038.

Vikas Kharge, additional chief secretary in the state revenue department, has been asked to investigate the deal; the timeline set for the probe is one month, said Maharashtra Revenue Minister Chandrashekhar Bawankule.

An FIR has been registered against Patil and Tejwani, but Parth has not been named.

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve argued that such a deal would not have been possible without Ajit’s influence, and the fact that Parth had not been named in the FIR was proof of this influence.

“How could a transaction involving government-owned watan land even take place?” asked Maharashtra Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal, adding that Fadnavis should show the courage to expel Ajit from the cabinet.

Sapkal also claimed that Amadea had plans to develop an IT park on the land and, shockingly, the state’s directorate of industries gave approval for the project within 48 hours. “Ajit Pawar, who lectures farmers saying, ‘Why do you always ask for things for free? Try working harder,’ has had stamp duty worth Rs21 crore waived in this deal,” he said. “Why does he feel pain when it comes to waiving farmers’ loans, but not when he gets free land?” He demanded that the deal be scrapped, all officials involved be suspended, and a high-level inquiry be conducted.

Ajit, meanwhile, defended his son by claiming that the deal had been scrapped and documents to cancel the sale deed had been submitted to the registering authority. He also said that it was just an agreement of sale and no payment had actually been made, and that Parth did not consult any legal expert or him before making the deal. He blamed the subregistrar for registering the deal and said Parth was not named in the FIR because he had not signed any papers.

As per reports, the registrar has asked Amadea Enterprises to pay about Rs42 crore in stamp duty (original amount and the duty for cancellation).

Notably, this is not the first time a land deal in Pune has been in the political limelight. In 1999, Manohar Joshi, the first Shiv Sena chief minister, had to resign following controversy over the allotment of land reserved for a school to a firm associated with his son-in-law. Then, in 2016, revenue minister and BJP leader Eknath Khadse had to resign following allegations of impropriety in a land deal involving him.

There is no doubt that the latest controversy has caused huge damage to the Fadnavis government’s image. It was Fadnavis who, as opposition leader, had led the charge against Ajit in the infamous irrigation scam controversy in the 2000s. Again, it was Fadnavis who, in his 78-hour stint as chief minister in 2019, stood by as Ajit—his deputy—was given a clean chit in the same case.

Now, in his third term as chief minister, Fadnavis continues to get a bad name because of NCP (Ajit Pawar) leaders. In March this year, former minister Dhananjay Munde was sacked from the cabinet after his close aide Walmik Karad was named as an accused in the murder of BJP activist and Beed sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh. Fadnavis had to personally intervene to clean up the police administration in Beed district.

Another NCP (Ajit Pawar) leader, Manikrao Kokate, was convicted in February in a cheating case from 1995; a court in Nashik later stayed the conviction. Kokate, as agriculture minister, was often found making derogatory remarks against farmers. When the opposition had cornered him, his portfolio was changed and Dattatray Bharane, a close confidant of Ajit, was made agriculture minister.

But it is not just the Ajit camp. Some ministers and legislators from the Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) have also created trouble for Fadnavis with their wild statements.

Perhaps concerned by this, Fadnavis had recently announced a performance assessment of his cabinet colleagues. It is a step in the right direction, but if he wants to do it sincerely, he would have to start the process with Ajit Pawar.

thuingaleng-muivahs-homecoming-beacon-of-hope-or-a-hornets-nest-in-manipur

Sat Nov 15 13:58:01 IST 2025

It is harvest time in Somdal, a tiny village nestled in the lush forested hills of Ukhrul in Manipur. The flowers are in bloom and there is an air of celebration. In the middle of the village lies a barren patch of land where a church once stood. It was here that Thuingaleng Muivah, the 91-year-old legendary Naga leader, landed by helicopter on October 22 from Camp Hebron in Nagaland, the headquarters of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak‑Muivah), the oldest and largest Naga insurgent outfit.

Days later, Naga tribesmen gathered at the barren patch to celebrate Muivah’s homecoming. As dusk descended, he stepped forward to light a pine-torch, an ancient Tangkhul Naga tradition that honours ancestors, reclaims identity and offers hope. Across Somdal, villagers lit their own pine torches, the warm glow flickering across the dark hills. The church ground turned into a sacred space as villagers sang carols, danced and celebrated the homecoming of a man who shaped much of Naga political history. Among the crowd was his wife Ikhres Muivah, watching quietly as the ceremony unfolded. The Nagas say they will build a new church on the same ground.

“After uncle Muivah left, people went back to their paddy fields. It seems like a festival is over. But there is a sense of belonging that has been instilled in the younger generation who have been able to connect their history with the present. The future lies in peace. All communities in the northeast will benefit once the Naga problem is resolved,” says Ningreingam Ruivah, Muivah’s nephew, who lives in Imphal.

Somdal is a dominant Tangkhul Naga village—the community that forms the backbone of the NSCN-IM movement. What made the moment extraordinary was that it marked a departure from the divided sentiments that have defined the landscape over the last two years, and an embrace of the long-missed sense of unity. For once, Nagas across tribes came together to grant the patriarch a final homecoming.

After the Meiteis (who predominantly live in the valley) and Kukis (in the hill districts), Nagas form a significant population in Manipur. Competing claims of territory, ethnicity and identity led to the clashes between the Meiteis and Kukis in 2023, leaving hundreds dead and thousands displaced. While Nagas have remained neutral during the ethnic clashes, the government is aware that growing anxiety among different communities over threats to identity and land encroachment will not go away until there is a long-term solution that involves all three groups.

At the heart of the Naga question lies the aspiration for integration of all Naga-inhabited regions of Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Myanmar, often described by the NSCN-IM as ‘Greater Nagalim’. In Manipur, the idea, though decades old, has sparked unease among Meiteis who have rejected the idea of division of the state; Kukis have opposed Naga dominance in the hills; and the state government has ruled out division. This is one of the major reasons why Muivah could not visit his village after he joined the Naga insurgency movement in 1964. Village fables, however, have it that Muivah came disguised to a church ceremony in 1973 and hid in a cave near the razed church ground.

Muivah became the chief architect of the framework agreement signed between the government and the NSCN-IM in 2015. On the table has been the NSCN-IM’s charter of demands for a separate flag and constitution and the basic premise of creating an atmosphere for enduring, inclusive and peaceful coexistence. The government has outrightly rejected the idea of a separate flag and constitution, arguing that the solution can only be found within the framework of the Indian Constitution.

Naturally, Muivah’s homecoming raises serious questions about the intended outcome for the people of the strife-torn state as well as the Central government which facilitated the visit. Sources disclose that the peace talks between the Meiteis and Kukis have reached a deadlock, especially after the Kukis, who are demanding Union territory status for the hill regions, refused to tone down their demands.

Delhi’s options are narrowing as Manipur’s assembly remains in suspended animation following chief minister Biren Singh’s resignation in February. With the opposition Congress indicating that any extension of the assembly in its current form after February next year will face resistance, the Centre is under pressure to accelerate peace talks.

Interestingly, the elders of various Naga groups have been playing mediators since the outbreak of violence. “Violence only destroys relationships that took generations to build,” says G. Gaingam, former president of the United Naga Council (UNC), who has been involved in back-channel talks with the Kukis and Meiteis. “We must remember that we were neighbours. We celebrated festivals and mourned deaths together.”

The government-appointed interlocutor A.K. Mishra seems to have sensed an opportunity in Muivah’s visit. With the Nagaland government on board and governor’s rule in place in Manipur, New Delhi’s green-signal to Muivah was meant to open doors for deeper engagement and out-of-the-box solutions.

First: the gesture is one of peace that could give a fresh push to the protracted Naga peace talks. Second: the assertion of Naga identity in Manipur brings a third stakeholder to remind the two warring sides in the valley and hills that if any demands for a separate hill administration are made, the Nagas can be equal stakeholders to such claims, if not more. Third: the people of Manipur—whether Kuki, Meitei or Naga—do not want an impasse that brings further misery upon their people who have already suffered violence and unrest in the past when the three communities clashed. Fourth: the olive branch to Nagas could drive the Kukis and Meiteis to the talking table faster.

But while the optics were carefully chosen, the direction the visit took caused some unease within sections of the security establishment. Muivah’s close security detail of the Naga army had reportedly been advised to keep their arms concealed and the number of armed cadres capped at 35. But they came uniformed and armed. For years, security agencies have alleged that weapons used by the outfit are either illegally held or smuggled from across the border. The public display of these arms on Manipur soil led to embarrassment within the security setup.

Adding to the concerns was Muivah’s speech, which urged the Nagas to continue their “struggle until the goal is achieved”. His words were in sharp contrast to the Centre’s intent of sending a reconciliation message to the people recovering from last year’s ethnic clashes. A section of the security establishment is worried that Muivah’s renewed reference to “Greater Nagalim” could disturb the fragile calm. The timing is also delicate as the rhetoric could embolden Naga youth in Manipur, where NSCN-IM’s influence is waning.

“The NSCN-IM’s top leadership is ageing and the outfit is struggling to keep its relevance. Due caution needs to be exercised to prevent the outfit from getting a new lease of life,” says D.K. Pathak, former chairman of the Ceasefire Monitoring Group (CFMG), which monitors the ground rules of the ceasefire with the insurgent outfit.

Sources say back-channel communications between government representatives and NSCN-IM have taken place, urging restraint in tone and optics. Yet Muivah’s defiant message, which also accused the government of “divide and rule”, raised eyebrows in the security setup in Manipur. More critically, the assertive homecoming injected new energy—and possibly new uncertainty—into India’s longest-running insurgency movement.

The question staring at New Delhi and Kohima is whether Muivah’s symbolic return will open a path to peace, or has it stirred a hornet’s nest in an already fractured society?

Those who understand the intricacies of the Naga struggle argue that the government’s conciliatory gesture should not be linked to Muivah’s message. “It comes as no surprise that Muivah has reiterated the Naga sentiment. However, a general message has also gone out to all communities that there is room for engagement for a roadmap towards peaceful coexistence,” says a senior security official.

However, people’s patience is also wearing thin as they wait for outcomes. “The massive turnout at Muivah’s homecoming reception in Ukhrul and Senapati districts should be a clear message to the government in Delhi that the Naga people still hope and yearn for peace,” says Kho John, former president of the UNC.

As short-term measures, some Naga civil society members believe that more autonomy for the hill districts, protection of identity, culture and heritage and allaying concerns of land ownership among different ethnic groups could help take the negotiations forward. “We are not a lost people. We are led by light,” says Yarngam Muivah, pastor of the Tangkhul Baptist Church in Bengaluru. Will Manipur be lifted from darkness and discard divisive discourses, or will it enter the next phase of the struggle for another homecoming? The answer lies not just with the Nagas, but also the Meiteis, Kukis and others who have lived through their darkest hours awaiting a new dawn.

shift-from-ridicule-to-respect-for-bihar-has-been-monumental-vivekanand-jha

Sat Nov 08 12:34:04 IST 2025

Interview/ Vivekanand Jha, Writer

Well-known author, academician and political commentator, Vivekanand Jha has been deeply concerned about Bihar’s social and cultural identity. As the state goes to the polls, the proud Bihari speaks about what the state needs. Edited excerpts from an interview with Jha:

Q/ What can literature offer for the development of Bihar?

I was born and brought up in the City of Joy, where in college I was subjected to incessant taunts. For years together, I was in deep distress, unable to duck the pejorative term Mayo, which was hurled at people from Bihar.

It took me years to rediscover my illustrious moorings. I realised I hailed from Mithila, the birthplace of the great sage Yajnavalkya, and from a land consecrated by Gautama Buddha. This realisation led to my evolution and later to my book, Yes, I Am Bihari. The book reaffirmed the Bihari identity and pride.

Unfortunately, Biharis are scattered across the globe. They dare not stay within their own state, because Bihar lacks industrial infrastructure for employment generation.

Education is the only means of salvation for Biharis. Bihar must progress as an educational hub. Remember, most of the IAS officers are from Bihar. In fact, everywhere you find Biharis excelling in education and administration.

Q/ But the Bihari youth are hooked to digital devices.

Along with rapid technological growth, there is a corresponding degeneration in the intellectual level of the younger generation. When information is literally at your fingertips, your thinking ability begins to decline. The mind no longer feels the need to explore or question deeply.

This has led to an intellectual emptiness. If we are not aware of our moral roots or heritage, of what use is technological advancement?

Q/ How do you assess the performance of the Nitish Kumar government?

I am completely apolitical. But I must acknowledge one very big change. A most visible transformation began with the Golden Quadrilateral highways project. It is evident to anyone travelling through the state.

When the director general of the Bihar Museum, Anjani Kumar Singh, was the chief secretary of Bihar, he provided bicycles to schoolgirls. That single decision became a social revolution. It encouraged thousands of girls to come out of their homes and pursue education.

I remember being mocked for being a Bihari in the early 2000s when I lived in Delhi. People associated Bihar with backwardness and political chaos. That stigma has significantly diminished. But still, there are flaws and deficiencies in governance.

Q/ What have been the government’s major achievements and shortcomings?

The greatest achievement is the restoration of dignity for Biharis. Earlier, Bihar was an object of ridicule, especially during the chaotic Lalu era. Nitish Kumar’s governance, despite imperfections, instilled a sense of order and respectability. The improvement in infrastructure and education deserves credit. Yet, shortcomings remain—unemployment, corruption and the slow pace of industrialisation still trouble the state. But, overall, the shift from ridicule to respect has been monumental.

Q/ Does the current political leadership possess the vision and capability to lead Bihar towards modernity?

If the current dispensation continues, Bihar will move forward, though progress will be gradual rather than spectacular. Nitish Kumar, despite his advancing age, still represents stability, experience and a certain administrative balance.

If his government retains power, and the alliance with the Union government remains intact, the benefits of major national schemes will continue to reach the grassroots. The results of such welfare programmes are already visible in sectors like education, rural infrastructure and women’s empowerment.

That said, Bihar still faces deep-rooted constraints—structural, economic and psychological. A significant part of the challenge lies in the mindset of the people. With growing exposure to the outside world—thanks to migration, digital connectivity and social mobility—the attitude of Bihari youth is changing. There is a quiet revolution taking shape in their outlook, and that gives me hope.

Q/ How do you envision Bihar ten years from now?

If the government sincerely connects with the pulse of its citizens, particularly the youth, then Bihar has every potential to reclaim its historical grandeur. The youth of today are far more aware, ambitious, and technologically equipped. If this energy is channelled through proper education, innovation and skill development, then within a decade Bihar can evolve into a modern, knowledge-driven state. The foundation already exists—what we need is vision, continuity and the courage to reform outdated systems.

In Bihar, especially the Mithila region, I have observed a transformation among the youth. They are aspirational. They want job-oriented governance and opportunities within their own state. If political leaders respond sincerely to this aspiration, Bihar will emerge as one of India’s leading states in the next decade.

Q/ How does Bihar’s political environment affect its intellectual and cultural life?

Politics, whether we admit it or not, deeply influences the intellectual and cultural ethos of society. In Bihar, this influence has been both constructive and corrosive.

For decades, political turbulence stifled creativity and independent thought. Many intellectuals either withdrew from public life or were co-opted by political agendas. Literature and cultural expression, instead of being instruments of awakening, often became reflections of frustration.

But it is slowly changing. The new generation of writers, thinkers and artists—particularly from Mithila and Patna—are reclaiming their voice. They are no longer confined by the boundaries of caste politics or regional pessimism. They are using literature, digital media and education to rebuild the intellectual identity of Bihar.

When politics becomes responsible and transparent, it provides the environment in which culture and intellect can thrive. But when politics degenerates into power games and vote-bank manipulation, it impoverishes the moral and cultural fabric of society.

Bihar’s destiny, therefore, is intertwined with the quality of its political leadership—and with how deeply that leadership respects the thinkers, writers and educators who shape public consciousness.

Thakur is an author and educator.

neps-backdoor-entry-cracks-emerge-in-kerala-ruling-ldf-coalition-over-pm-shri-adoption

Sat Nov 01 15:14:07 IST 2025

ON OCTOBER 27, 1946, coir workers and agricultural labourers from the rural hamlet of Vayalar in present-day Alappuzha district—mobilised by the Communist Party of India (CPI) and armed with rudimentary weapons—rose against the might of the Travancore princely state. They were protesting against the autocratic rule of diwan Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer, the de facto ruler who sought to keep Travancore out of the Indian Union.

The CPI split in 1964 after decades of internal strife, giving rise to the CPI(M). For the next four years, the two Left parties did not jointly commemorate the Punnapra-Vayalar uprising. Since 1968, however, they have come together to honour the martyrs they both claim—a tradition that endured even when they stood on opposing political fronts.

In keeping with this tradition, on October 27 this year, CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam and Kerala Chief Minister and CPI(M) polit bureau member Pinarayi Vijayan shared the same stage in Alappuzha. Although everything appeared cordial, it came barely an hour after the two had held a closed-door meeting to discuss a serious point of contention—a seemingly autocratic decision by Vijayan, taken without consulting the CPI, other allies in the Left Democratic Front (LDF), or even his own party leadership.

That decision concerned signing a memorandum of understanding with the Union government for implementing the PM SHRI project, a centrally sponsored scheme launched in 2022 to upgrade around 14,500 government schools across the country into model institutions. A key condition in the MoU is that the state must implement “all the provisions of the National Education Policy 2020”. The LDF in Kerala has long opposed NEP, describing it as a “centralising and exclusionary” framework that promotes “saffronisation”, corporatisation of education and the erosion of state autonomy. Calling PM SHRI a “backdoor entry” for the NEP, the LDF had resisted signing it so far. However, the Kerala government decided to sign the MoU after Vijayan met Prime Minister Narendra Modi on October 10.

Six days later, the MoU was prepared in New Delhi. When the media reported the news, Revenue Minister K. Rajan of the CPI raised questions about it at the cabinet meeting on October 22. Neither Vijayan nor Education Minister V. Sivankutty disclosed that the MoU had already been prepared. The MoU was signed the following day by K. Vasuki, secretary of the general education department.

The development shocked CPI(M)’s allies, particularly the CPI. “What kind of government is this?” asked Viswam, accusing the CPI(M) of a “surreptitious policy reversal”. He described the move as a breach of coalition propriety and of the cabinet’s collective responsibility.

Vijayan, Sivankutty and the CPI(M) have all justified signing the controversial MoU on the grounds that over 1,100 crore in Kerala’s Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) funds remain blocked, and signing the MoU was a pragmatic move to secure the release of the amount. However, observers argue that the decision goes beyond political shifts or tactical adjustments. To them, it shows how the Centre’s techno-governance framework is quietly reshaping the financial foundations of Indian federalism.

Computational social scientist Arun Kumar P.K. said the single nodal agency (SNA) model—under which each state must name a nodal agency for every centrally sponsored scheme—adopted by the Centre in 2021, played a major role in the dispute. Previously, the Centre directly transferred funds to the states. Under that system, states enjoyed a float fund—money that stayed in the state treasury until spent, allowing temporary “rolling” for other purposes. The Centre later phased out that system, mandating the creation of an SNA as the sole entity eligible to receive funds. Funds would now be released under the Just-In-Time (JIT) system through the Public Financial Management System (PFMS) only when an expenditure or transfer request was made. The PFMS was integrated with the state’s treasury software, IFMS.

“Once integrated, they added an automated compliance layer—that is what we call algorithmic power,” said Kumar. “When a state like Kerala now tries to release funds for the SSA, a mandatory compliance check is triggered, verifying whether the state has enrolled under the PM SHRI scheme. If the check fails, the request is automatically rejected. Unlike earlier, this rejection is not manual—it happens instantly through the algorithm.” Kumar said these measures allowed the Centre to present a deeply political act as a neutral, technical reform.

Although PM SHRI was launched in 2022 and Kerala had refused to sign it, the state continued to receive SSA funds until the first half of the 2023–24 financial year. When it requested the third instalment for 2023–24, the request was rejected on grounds of non-compliance with PM SHRI. “Then they [the Union government] told us that we had to either sign the MoU of PM SHRI or submit an assurance letter stating that we would sign it later,” said Supriya A.R., director of Samagra Shiksha Kerala. “And they cited examples of Tamil Nadu and Odisha—both, they said, had submitted letters.”

In March 2024, the Kerala government signed an assurance letter stating that the state was looking forward to establishing PM SHRI schools and would sign the MoU before the 2024–25 academic year. This was for the 37.5 per cent of funds sanctioned for 2023–24. However, the assurance was neither discussed in the cabinet nor in the LDF, and it came to light only after the state machinery initiated quick moves in Delhi for signing the MoU last month.

Political observer and former IT adviser to the Kerala chief minister Joseph C. Mathew told THE WEEK that embedding PM SHRI enrolment as a precondition within the software was an intentional policy choice. “In truth, this can and must be challenged legally,” he said, arguing that blocking SSA funds by adding a condition not present in the SSA agreement was unconstitutional. “The SSA’s fund flow has nothing to do with PM SHRI. If they can block funds today over PM SHRI, tomorrow they could link it to some new scheme as well. What the Centre has done is purely arbitrary. SSA funds should never have been linked with PM SHRI.”

Mathew said the Central government has effectively imposed an economic sanction on the state. “I don’t subscribe to the state government’s political claim that the Centre is deliberately starving Kerala of funds. Kerala has received more funds than before. But the Centre has also increased the volume of discretionary transfers—funds it can control, delay or conditionally release—such as cesses, surcharges and payments related to centrally sponsored schemes. And that, in itself, is against the spirit of federalism,” he said.

Mathew said signing the MoU now—weeks before local body elections and months before the assembly elections—amounts to “political hara-kiri”. He said the move had little to do with policy and more with other motives, pointing out that the decision was not even discussed within the CPI(M). “This is unprecedented,” he said. “Clearly, there are some personal compulsions [on the CM] at play.”

On October 27, the CPI(M) state secretariat discussed the issue and concluded that withdrawing from PM SHRI was no longer feasible, deciding instead to convince the CPI of the circumstances under which it was signed. Mathew said that within the CPI(M), nobody questioned the chief minister. “Had [former chief minister] V.S. Achuthanandan been alive, this would have never happened.”

Although Vijayan has led the reconciliatory efforts, the CPI continues to demand that the state government withdraw from implementing PM SHRI or the NEP. Sources within the CPI confirmed that the ministers representing the party have submitted a protest letter to the chief minister, saying they felt cheated, as a crucial cabinet decision was kept from them. Reportedly, there have been discussions within the CPI on withdrawing its ministers from the government while continuing in the LDF.

Political observer and former CPI member A. Jayashankar, however, warned that such a move could prove suicidal for the CPI. “The CPI(M) can survive to some extent without the CPI, but the CPI cannot survive without the CPI(M).That is the political reality.”

foul-play-or-bad-luck-the-unanswered-questions-in-zubeen-garg-case

Sat Oct 25 12:05:24 IST 2025

IN THE 108-YEAR HISTORY of the Assam Sahitya Sabha—the state’s oldest and most respected literary-cultural organisation—there have been numerous crime and murder novels it has evaluated. But this may well be the first time the Sabha has stepped in to play a proactive role in trying to unravel the circumstances surrounding the death of iconic Assamese singer Zubeen Garg.

Like most political, socio-cultural and literary organisations in Assam, the Sahitya Sabha, too, has raised its voice in demanding ‘Justice for Zubeen’, a phrase that has quickly become a powerful rallying cry across Assam. “We have a Singapore chapter and we want to use that body to coax Assamese expats, who were with Zubeen on the day of his death on the yacht, to come to Assam and help the probe,” said Basanta Kumar Goswami, the Sabha’s president. “And if needed, we are prepared to send a delegation to Singapore, too.”

Zubeen’s death under mysterious circumstances in Singapore while swimming in the sea on September 19 unleashed a storm back home, marked by a raw outpouring of grief, confusion and outrage. What began as mourning quickly turned into a highly emotional public movement demanding answers and accountability. The uproar, cutting across caste, class and community lines, has grown into a phenomenon that will interest sociologists and psychologists for years to come.

Besides his bandmates, there were 11 Assamese expatriates with Zubeen that fateful day, when what was meant to be a joyride on a yacht turned into a tragedy. The incident has already become the subject of intense speculation. Theories of murder and negligence dominate conversations across Assam. Zubeen reportedly suffered from epilepsy and had been advised to avoid water bodies and fire due to the risk of seizures.

Alarmed at rising public anger, which spilled on to the streets, the Assam government appointed a Special Investigation Team on September 24. The SIT, headed by Special DGP Munna Prasad Gupta, has been given 90 days to submit its report. Final postmortem examination and viscera reports have already been obtained by the SIT. Gupta and another member of the team travelled to Singapore on October 20 for further investigation.

A senior Assam government source told THE WEEK that the reports did not indicate anything unnatural or abnormal. “The latest status of the investigation is that the reports of the postmortem examination and the viscera will be submitted to the court along with the chargesheet.” Despite the SIT’s efforts to dispel rumours, misinformation continues to flourish. While the official reports are yet to be made public, they are expected to be shared with Zubeen’s family soon.

Meanwhile, the Singapore police issued a statement on October 17, ruling out foul play and stating that their investigation may take three months to complete. “We are aware of speculation and false information circulating online regarding the circumstances of the death. We seek the patience and understanding of the parties involved. Meanwhile, we urge the public not to speculate and spread unverified information,” said the statement.

So far, the SIT investigation has led to several high-profile arrests. Among those taken into custody is Shyamkanu Mahanta, the organiser of the Northeast Festival in Singapore, for which Zubeen had travelled. Other detainees include Shekhar Jyoti Goswami, a long-time bandmate and collaborator, and Siddhartha Sharma, who managed Zubeen’s professional affairs. Adding a personal dimension to the case is the arrest of Sandipan Garg, a police officer and relative of Zubeen. Authorities have also detained Amritprava Mahanta, a singer known to be a part of Zubeen’s extended musical circle, as well as two of Zubeen’s personal security officers, Nandeshwar Bora and Paresh Baishya. “These people have been arrested due to possible acts of omission and commission, including financial irregularities. The gravity of the offence may vary on a case-to-case basis,” said a senior government source.

The assumption that the arrests would calm the angry public has, however, turned out to be wrong. On October 15, police vehicles ferrying five of the arrested individuals were pelted with stones by residents in Baksa, western Assam. With misinformation and conspiracy theories gaining traction, the SIT has sought the help of local journalists and prominent citizens to counter false narratives.

Known for his bohemian lifestyle and rustic yet refined charisma, Zubeen had an uncanny ability to resurrect Assamese folk songs and Bihu couplets from near-oblivion. He fused them with modern sensibilities and musical arrangements, making them deeply personal. His most enduring appeal lay in his ability to transform soulful vocals into music that felt like everyone’s personal story.

In a state marred by economic hardship, migration, ethnic fragmentation and decades of insurgency, Zubeen was a unifying figure—a synthesiser, much like the instrument he mastered—bridging divides and helping shape a cohesive cultural identity for modern Assam. His death has, in many ways, shaken that fragile unity. The emotional response that followed was about the fear of losing the voice that gave a fractured people their collective rhythm.

With the assembly elections slated for early next year, Zubeen’s death has become a lightning rod in the political landscape. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has assured the public that justice will be done and that no one, regardless of their status, will be spared if found guilty. Meanwhile, Gaurav Gogoi, leader of the opposition Congress in Assam, has updated his Facebook cover photo to display the tag ‘#JusticeForZubeenGarg’. The opposition wants the CBI to step in to probe the death.

With political stakes rising, it remains to be seen which party, if any, will gain from this moment of collective grief and public unrest. In death, Zubeen has become even more powerful.

social-reform-or-political-currency-selective-enforcement-of-caste-ban-raises-concerns

Sat Oct 18 12:47:40 IST 2025

The irony is stark: Uttar Pradesh’s government has issued sweeping orders to erase caste from public life, even as its own political survival depends on relentless caste mobilisation.

Following a September 2025 Allahabad High Court judgment, the state has announced perhaps the most comprehensive anti-caste directives in India’s history. Theoretically, they strike at the mechanics of everyday caste discrimination. Practically, they raise questions about selective enforcement in a state where caste is political currency.

The case that led to the court directive was routine—a plea to quash charges against an alleged liquor smuggler. Under Justice Vinod Diwakar, however, it evolved into a larger critique of caste-based identification. The court criticised the police practice of recording caste in FIRs and memos, calling it unconstitutional and reflective of caste bias, and urged a shift to erase caste from official processes.

The state’s response to suppress caste profiling falls under five broad categories.

First, deletion of caste records from all police forms, including FIRs, arrest and property seizure memos, crime details, final reports and notice boards. The mother’s name must now be recorded alongside the father’s or husband’s. The Crime and Criminal Tracking Network System will remove caste as a data field, with the National Crime Records Bureau updating national systems. Until upgrades are complete, police must leave caste entries blank.

Second, the erasure of caste references from public spaces. This includes removing caste signage in police stations, public buildings and notice boards, as well as signboards marking towns, villages or neighbourhoods as “caste territories”— especially where caste pride has become a public marker of identity.

Third, regulation of vehicles. The display of caste-based stickers, slogans or emblems on any private or public vehicle is banned. Traffic departments and RTOs must strictly enforce this, with heavy fines for violations and amendments to motor vehicle rules for compliance.

Fourth, control of digital and social media. The government will act against caste-glorifying or hate-inducing content and launch anti-caste campaigns targeting youth on Instagram, YouTube, WhatsApp and other platforms. A new digital reporting system—including portals and mobile apps—will let citizens report violations, in coordination with the transport ministry, the electronics and IT ministry, the Press Council of India and civil society organisations.

Fifth, and most controversially (as it was not a court directive), a ban on election rallies and mass mobilisations explicitly targeting castes. The notification cites the need to prevent “public disorder” and promote “national unity”.

The political implications are immediate. If this appears to target the opposition—the Bahujan Samaj Party’s outreach to Jatavs or the Samajwadi Party’s PDA (pichda, dalit, alpsankyak) campaign—it likely does.

Yet the paradox runs deeper.

Prashant Trivedi, a social scientist at Lucknow’s Giri Institute of Development Studies, notes that the ruling BJP has organised the most caste-based events in the last seven years—OBC and dalit conferences and dialogues among them.

In 2023, the BJP held large Samajik Pratinidhi Sammelan events across the state—caste gatherings in all but name. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath attended Nishad, Rajbhar, Kurmi and Maurya conferences, highlighting his government’s schemes for each community.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi frequently reminds audiences that he is from the OBC community, especially during rallies in Uttar Pradesh. During the 2022 assembly polls, he addressed the Samvidhan Samman Sammelan, reaching out to most backward castes such as Kashyap, Mallah, Nishad, Bind, Kevat and Prajapati.

Adityanath, in 2018, called Maharishi Valmiki a “dalit icon”. This year, he declared a public holiday on Valmiki Jayanti (October 7), seen as outreach to the community. The state’s Samuhik Vivah Yojana (mass marriage scheme) is also organised along caste lines, with separate events for Yadavs, Jatavs, Pals and Kushwahas.

The BJP’s allies—the Nishad Party, Apna Dal (Sonelal) and Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party—are caste-based formations that consolidate influential communities into an electoral bloc.

In 2024, Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya, an OBC leader, countered the Samajwadi Party’s backward caste mobilisation by addressing several caste-specific gatherings. The BJP also created the Pichda Varg Kalyan Vibhag (backward classes welfare department), functioning as both an administrative unit and a political outreach wing.

Trivedi points to the “silent casteism” of upper castes. “They are entrenched in administration, police, judiciary and education but lack numbers,” he said. “Dalit and backward castes, who have the numbers, use assertion as a democratic right to claim space.”

Long seen as an upper-caste party, the BJP has treated its support among upper castes as default capital, while its outreach to others has been both overt and strategic.

Manoj Paswan, the national general secretary of the Samajwadi Party’s student wing, said the government’s intention was that the marginalised do not identify themselves with caste consciousness. “In a system that has for centuries shamed them for their caste, they are now shedding the humiliation,” he said. “They are consolidating themselves politically so that they get their rightful dues based on their numbers.”

Paswan was formerly with the BJP but was disillusioned by the fact that the party did nothing to change the lived realities of his fellow dalits, focusing solely on the distribution of freebies.

Juhie Singh, who heads the Samajwadi Party’s women wing, surmises other possible ramifications. For instance, could this overreach finally extend to not mentioning the castes in cases of crimes against scheduled castes and scheduled tribes? The current government notification though specifically mentions that such removals are not to be made in instances such as the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, which explicitly require the mentioning of castes. But the concern remains. “The selective targeting of certain religions, too, will not be eliminated by this notification,” said Singh. “There are no concrete answers to how discrimination will actually be done away with.”

The High Court has asked the government to submit a comprehensive affidavit on what it has done to comply with its directives. The matter is to be heard on October 30.

Meanwhile, on October 9, the Bahujan Samaj Party held its annual rally on founder Kanshi Ram’s death anniversary. It was an unabashed show of strength of core caste support, with thousands gathering under blue flags bearing images of Bhim Rao Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram. It was an explicit Jatav mobilisation. The government did nothing. It can perhaps do nothing.

For all theory cannot translate into practice. Not when social reality is at wide variance with legal idealism. In a state where caste consciousness has been both the weapon of oppression and the shield of resistance, where political parties on all sides treat caste as the organising principle of democracy, a court order cannot erase what centuries have embedded.

The question is not whether these directives are desirable in principle. It is whether they are enforceable in practice, and more importantly, whether selective enforcement will become an instrument of political control rather than social transformation.

sabarimala-gold-scandal-who-is-accountable-for-missing-temple-assets

Sat Oct 11 18:24:49 IST 2025

EIGHT YEARS AGO, during the mandala season—the main pilgrimage period when the Sabarimala temple dedicated to Lord Ayyappa opens for worship—Unnikrishnan Potty arrived at the shrine as an assistant to the keezh shanthi (sub-priest). Son of a temple priest, Potty hailed from Pulimath near Kilimanoor in Thiruvananthapuram district.

The job that brought him to Sabarimala helped him carve out a niche for himself as the go-to man for arranging special privileges for the temple’s affluent patrons. Offerings and contributions from devotees outside Kerala allegedly began to flow through him. By July 2019, he had become a high-profile “sponsor” in a dubious deal—approved by the Travancore Devaswom Board (TDB), the autonomous body managing 1,252 temples including Sabarimala—to “fix” gold-cladded copper coverings on the Dwarapalaka idols at the entrance to the temple’s sanctum sanctorum.

The TDB manual stipulates that all repair work on the Dwarapalakas and the pedestals on which they are placed be carried out at the Sannidhanam, the main temple complex. But in this case, the items were dispatched to Chennai.

On September 7 this year, the TDB once again handed over the coverings to Potty for another round of “repairs”. This time, however, things took a different turn. On September 9, R. Jayakrishnan, the Kerala High Court-appointed special commissioner to Sabarimala, submitted a report saying the gold-plated coverings on the Dwarapalaka idols had been removed without obtaining court approval. This violated the High Court’s November 2023 order barring the TDB from sending valuable items out of the Sannidhanam without judicial permission.

The special commissioner’s report prompted the High Court to take up the matter suo motu, putting the TDB and the CPI(M)-led state government on the defensive. The court hearings revealed the finding by the TDB’s vigilance wing that 1.564kg of gold had originally been used to gold-clad the coverings of the Dwarapalaka idols.

The gold-cladding was done in 1998–99, after industrialist Vijay Mallya donated around 30.3kg of 24-carat gold to the Sabarimala temple. Documents indicate that this gold was used to cover the two Dwarapalakas and several other parts of the temple.

The cladding on the copper coverings, said former TDB deputy commissioner C.R. Radhakrishnan, was carried out using a mercuric process. “In this process,” he told THE WEEK, “they make a gold foil, like tin foil, clean the copper properly, and then stick the foils on, one by one. After sticking, they heat it and amalgamate it—that’s how the bonding happens.”

Apparently, a surface treated with the mercuric method cannot be electroplated. But, in 2019, the TDB entrusted Potty to carry out this technically impossible process.

As the controversy erupted, Smart Creations—the Chennai-based company that did the gold-plating—said the Dwarapalaka plate it received in 2019 was fully made of copper. Potty, too, said the material he had received was copper, raising suspicions about the TDB’s handling of the plates.

What makes the matter murkier is that the mahazar, or record of procedures, prepared on July 19, 2019—when the coverings were removed for the “fix”—made no mention of gold; instead, it said “copper plates” were being sent for gold plating.

Notably, the court also found that the materials handed over to Potty in 2019 together weighed 42.8kg, and that there was a shortfall of 4.54kg when they were returned after electroplating. The revelations, said the court, had fundamentally altered the “complexion of the case and brings within its fold the ingredients of the offences of theft, criminal misappropriation and criminal breach of trust”.

Political observer Joseph C. Mathew said there were signs of a larger corruption. “What likely happened,” he told THE WEEK, “was this: when the decision was made to gold-plate the idols, many devotees came forward to offer gold to Lord Ayyappa—both in cash and in kind. Each of them believed that their gold would adorn the idol, or at least the Dwarapalakas.” By bringing a proxy in the form of Potty, he added, the conspirators could raise funds far exceeding what was actually needed for gold-plating the coverings. “If the sponsor made a certain amount, those above him would have earned ten times that—that’s the scale of it,” he said.

Prakash Panicker of the Thattavila Vishwakarma family—whose grandfather helped sculpt the current idol of Lord Ayyappa—said there may have been an additional layer of corruption. “Since the original covering was gold foil over copper, the gold cannot be recovered without destroying the copper,” he told THE WEEK. “One must also consider the antique value of a copper plate preserved at the Sannidhanam. What may have happened is that the original gold-clad covering was replaced, and a duplicate copper plate was sent for gold plating. Now, it seems a duplicate of that duplicate was intended [to be gold-plated].” The Chennai-based firm gold-plated only fresh pieces of copper, noted Panicker.

On October 7, the TDB suspended deputy devaswom commissioner B. Murari Babu, who was Sabarimala administrative officer in 2019, for “wrongly recording the gold-plated plates as copper sheets.” Babu maintains that the mercuric process was used only for the roof, while the Dwarapalaka idols were electroplated—a reason, he said, copper became exposed. Radhakrishnan termed the claim absurd, since the idols were also covered using the mercuric method.

Notably, the report submitted by the TDB’s vigilance wing shows significant differences between two sets of photographs of the Dwarapalakas—one taken on July 19 and 20, 2019, and another on September 7, 2025. Also, it has come to light that after the coverings were re-fixed, in December 2019, Potty sent an email addressed to then TDB president N. Vasu, in which he says that he was in possession of excess gold remaining from the gold-plating work, and that he would like to get permission to utilise the surplus gold for other purposes, including the marriage of a girl known to him.

“It unmistakably demonstrates the alarming manner in which certain [TDB] officials had acted in concert with Potty, betraying both the sanctity of temple property and the trust reposed in them by the devotees,” the court observed in its interim order setting up a special investigation team under H. Venkatesh, additional director general of police (law and order), to investigate all aspects of the issue.

The controversy has raised questions about the role of CPI(M)-nominated members in the TDB and the government’s responsibility in safeguarding temple assets. The opposition has demanded the resignation of Devaswom Minister V.N. Vasavan as well as TDB president P.S. Prashanth.

Vasavan has distanced himself from the controversy, saying the gold went missing before his tenure. Kadakampally Surendran, the CPI(M) leader who held the portfolio in 2019, told THE WEEK that he welcomed investigations. Prashanth, who had earlier insisted that the TDB was in the clear, now maintains that all culprits should be punished, inadvertently casting aspersions on the 2019 governing board under the leadership of CPI(M) veteran and Pathanamthitta district secretariat member A. Padmakumar. “Everyone knows a TDB president cannot move any artefact from Sabarimala,” said Padmakumar, who put the blame on the devaswom commissioner in charge of artefacts. However, D. Sudheesh, who was executive director when Padmakumar was president, told journalists there was instruction from the board president to hand over the Dwarapalaka idol coverings to Potty.

The opposition’s protest has been unusually aggressive: it has been disrupting assembly proceedings, raising placards and banners in the well of the house, blocking the view of Speaker A.N. Shamseer, and branding the CPI(M) as “temple thieves”. On October 8, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan broke his silence on the issue, saying the government would not spare wrongdoers. “We are ready to respond to any issue raised by the opposition,” he said. “But they are afraid of the facts.”

karur-stampede-political-fallout-vijay-tvk-rally-tragedy

Sat Oct 04 17:32:28 IST 2025

In the three days after the stampede at Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) leader Vijay’s rally in Karur left 41 dead and many injured, social media have been awash with videos, reels, and messages declaring, “Vijayna (elder brother Vijay) is innocent.” The hashtag #WeStandWithVijay went viral a day after the incident.

The tragedy has left political parties, including national parties, playing it safe. The BJP is assessing the situation and, as it is the hometown of former state party chief K. Annamalai, it wants to turn public opinion against the ruling DMK. The DMK, on the other hand, has avoided confrontation by adopting a cautious stance. Vijay himself has been cautious: apart from his late-night X post after the September 26 tragedy, he released a video on the same platform on September 30 afternoon, in which he explained why the rally was held on the road. He requested the chief minister not to go after his party functionaries, and added that he would be visiting the injured at the earliest.

Within three hours of the tragedy, Chief Minister M.K. Stalin was on the ground in Karur. He visited the site, met victims’ families at the hospital, and called up ministers. Health Minister Ma. Subramanian and Education Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi, who is in charge of Karur district, ensured that all arrangements were in place. More than 50 doctors, including 20 postgraduate doctors, were mobilised to conduct postmortem, while staff at the new Karur Medical College Hospital worked tirelessly to treat the injured.

The following day, Stalin released a video message, saying “no political leader would ever wish for their followers or innocent civilians to die”. He urged the public to ignore malicious rumours as a one-member judicial inquiry under Justice (retd) Aruna Jagadeesan proceeded. The carefully-pitched statement was read as an attempt to blunt criticism of the DMK.

“The more the DMK reacts, the more the issue get diluted,” said academic Pichandy Chinnasamy, who has studied mass rallies in Tamil Nadu since the Annadurai era. “The government is already getting bad publicity. So the DMK is very cautious. The matter is sub judice, and the law will take its own course.”

Even if Vijay is at fault, his popularity has shielded him from public anger. So the government has not named Vijay in the first information report, or even Vijay’s close aide and TVK general secretary Aadhav Arjuna.

Public perception of the DMK took a hit on social media. Videos of Anbil Mahesh weeping over dead children have been mocked. Party insiders say they are dealing with a new kind of “politically inexperienced monster with a monstrous mob”. Despite major lapses by the TVK, Vijay’s image remains unscathed, much to the DMK’s surprise.

The FIR, accessed by THE WEEK, names three TVK leaders: district secretary Mathiyalagan—already arrested and questioned—state general secretary “Bussy” N. Anand, and deputy general secretary Nirmal Kumar. Anand and Nirmal Kumar have sought anticipatory bail.

Sources say TVK leaders such as Aadhav Arjuna have reached out to the Centre to ensure that the case is transferred to the CBI. Arjuna, who has been accompanying Vijay in the campaign bus, had posted in Tamil on X on September 30: “A youth-led revolution is the only solution. ‘Gen Z’ revolted in Sri Lanka [and] Nepal against the ruling government. Here also the youth will lead a revolution. That revolution is going to be the reason for a change in the government. Under a wicked ruler even the laws turn wicked.” This was in response to the cases filed against 25 people, including YouTubers and TVK digital workers, for “provocative” online content. The post was deleted after it triggered a row.

The AIADMK wants to ensure that the DMK administration is held responsible for the stampede. It is spreading a narrative that the DMK’s Karur strongman and former minister V. Senthil Balaji orchestrated the tragedy. “This was Senthil Balaji’s doing. The DMK must be erased from the history of the state. Why did this happen here alone, and not in Trichy and Nagapattinam, where also he drew huge crowds?” asked Kulanthaivelu, a relative of Prithvik, a boy who died.

The TVK has faltered in its response. Lacking experienced leaders, it has neither responded positively nor reached out to the families of victims. Vijay, who reportedly waited at the Trichy-Karur highway after the tragedy before flying to Chennai, ignored journalists’ questions about the deaths. Even as other parties capitalise on the crisis, the TVK—inexperienced and under pressure—has sought anticipatory bails and petitioned the courts for a CBI probe. Arjuna has moved the Madras High Court, demanding that Vijay be allowed to visit the bereaved families. “The TVK will never instigate violence,” said a source close to Vijay.

The BJP has formed an eight-member committee, headed by Lok Sabha MP and actor Hema Malini, to inquire into the reasons that led to tragedy. BJP leaders who visited Karur include Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, former minister Anurag Thakur and South Bengaluru MP Tejasvi Surya.

will-vijays-combination-of-dravida-politics-tamil-nationalism-be-enough-to-win-polls

Sat Sep 27 12:58:46 IST 2025

A week after his successful campaign rally in Tiruchirappalli—the heart of ‘Chola Mandalam’, the cultural homeland of the Chola empire and the Kaveri delta—actor-politician Vijay launched the second leg of his campaign with a fierce attack against the DMK.

Arriving in Trichy airport by special flight, he travelled under heavy security to Nagapattinam by road. Inside a specially designed bus, Vijay rolled through suburban routes to Nagapattinam and Thiruvarur, as fans and cadres of his Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) thronged sidewalks, rooftops and road dividers. They chanted “Thalapathy” (commander), hailing Vijay as the Tamil saviour.

Clad in his usual white shirt and khaki trousers, Vijay, 50, climbed atop the bus near the Anna statue at Puthur in Nagapattinam. As the crowd cheered, Vijay held two microphones to ensure that his speech was heard. Technical problems had plagued his Tiruchirappalli rally, forcing him to change microphones thrice.

“How are you all? Have you all eaten?” Vijay asked the crowd, before mounting a sharp attack on the ruling DMK.

“In Ariyalur, when I started speaking, they snapped the power,” Vijay said. “In Trichy, they cut the speaker wires. CM sir, I am asking you—if an RSS leader, [Prime Minister Narendra] Modi ji, or the Union home minister comes here, will you dare cut power like that? Your foundations will shake, won’t they?”

He hailed local Hindu deities and the popular Christian shrine at Velankanni, stressing his secular and caste-neutral credentials. With anti-BJP sentiments having deepened in Tamil Nadu in the past decade, Vijay seems to have adopted the strategy of attacking both the BJP and the DMK, saying the two parties have a tacit understanding.

“Vijay is caste-neutral,” said TVK general secretary Aadhav Arjun, “and you cannot relegate him to a particular religion. He always advocates social justice and equality, and is open-minded and liberal.”

Vijay’s fan clubs, once known collectively as the Vijay Makkal Iyakkam, have transformed themselves into a political party. The huge response to his rallies points to the TVK’s success in establishing an organisational infrastructure that matches the dravida parties. The TVK has 120 district units with 1,680 district-level office-bearers, apart from 8,580 secretaries overseeing the party’s various wings, and 68,469 booth-level secretaries. Together, the party has 2.96 lakh office-bearers across the state.

Vijay seems to be fashioning his politics after his film career. As an actor, he is not known for experimenting with roles or showcasing extraordinary acting skills. But his transition from early-career romantic roles to the current, message-heavy blockbusters has been smooth. In politics, too, he has undergone a similar, smooth transformation—from a leader reluctant to go outside and meet people, to a crusader who questions the government from atop a bus. Like in films, he is sticking to a formula—even as he criticises the DMK and the opposition AIADMK, he shows open reverence to dravida icons Periyar E.V. Ramasamy and C.N. Annadurai.

“People of Tamil Nadu always vote for a charismatic and powerful leader,” said Arjun. “Vijay draws power from this. The people do not want a party with just a powerful ideology; they want a dedicated leader who will work for them.”

Vijay seems to be retracing the steps of M.G. Ramachandran aka MGR, whose popularity as an actor helped him rise to the post of chief minister. At a time when public disillusionment with major parties and their ideologies runs high, Vijay’s mass following can be a crucial advantage.

“We want to smash the entrenched party system in Tamil Nadu and bring in a new, people-driven political system,” Arjun said. “Now our focus is on people outreach. Like Annadurai and MGR, Vijay connects with people, their lifestyle and emotions.”

Vijay and his associates feel that they have found a potent political mix—a combination of dravida politics and Tamil nationalism. The two seem contradictory: dravida politics is rooted in ideology, while Tamil nationalism is more of an emotional issue that, on its own, does not fetch votes. But given Vijay’s mass following, his party expects the combination to have considerable impact.

But pundits feel Vijay may not be able to win elections on his own. Only J. Jayalalithaa has managed it—in 1991, she led the AIADMK to victory, defeating the ruling DMK thanks to the sympathy wave after the assassination of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi. Her subsequent victories in 2001 and 2011 were as part of coalitions. It was only in 2016 that the AIADMK contested alone again. Jayalalithaa was able to secure majority on her own because it was a triangular contest.

Vijay has been telling his fans and cadres in party meetings that the TVK will repeat the 1977 results, when MGR made his election debut after launching the AIADMK and joining hands with the Forward Bloc, the CPI(M) and the Indian Union Muslim League. The coalition won 33.5 per cent votes, defeating the DMK (24.9 per cent), the Congress (20.4 per cent) and the Janata Party (16.4 per cent).

Vijay had declared last year that he was open to alliances and sharing power. But so far, with the exception of a few AIADMK factions, no prominent party or political leader has reached out to him. The TVK also faces a dearth of leaders in districts—there is no well-known face other than Vijay’s, and none of the party secretaries has contested polls.

To come to power on his own in the current circumstances, Vijay will need to win close to 40 per cent votes. The odds seem stacked against him.

cm-yuva-entrepreneurship-uttar-pradesh-youth-business-loans

Sat Sep 20 16:58:38 IST 2025

In a dusty field in Gorakhpur’s Ramnagar Taal, Mahesh Kumar Nishad wipes the sweat from his brow as his borewell machine strikes water at 320ft. By the end of his second day of work in this field, he will have earned over Rs50,000—nearly 20 times what he was making just months ago.

His transformation began with a chance conversation. A bank manager, for whom Nishad had done boring work, mentioned CM YUVA—the Mukhyamantri Yuva Udyami Vikas Abhiyan (Chief Minister’s Youth Entrepreneur Development Campaign). The scheme promises collateral-free, guarantee-free, interest-free business loans for those even with modest qualifications. Its most vocal champion: Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, who speaks of it glowingly at every opportunity.

CM YUVA aims to create a cultural shift—turning job seekers to job creators. At 26, with only an intermediate education, Nishad embodies this shift. Like most youth in Uttar Pradesh, he had aimed for a government job, even applying for the armed forces, only to be met with disappointment. He ended up working as a labourer, operating borewell machines for others, often going days without work. The machine owner made money for every foot drilled, while Nishad earned a fixed wage. The future felt uncertain.

Then came CM YUVA. With the bank manager’s help, Nishad received 4.25 lakh. With his savings and borrowed money from relatives, he bought a borewell drilling machine for Rs7.5 lakh.

The impact was immediate. Since June, he has completed seven projects—each taking two days, one for setup and one for drilling. But instead of daily wages, he now earns project fees that dwarf his old income. His confidence about repaying the loan, which starts six months after disbursement, is evident. “It will all be good,” he says.

In Kanpur, around 200km away, 22-year-old Prabhnoor Kaur crafts sugar flowers that look lifelike. Her cakes have been featured in international magazines, but her venture—Sweet Sculpt by Kaurs—began amid family scepticism.

Though she holds a psychology degree, Kaur turned her Covid-era hobby into a business. Her father, who runs an electrical parts shop and disliked loans, eventually handled the paperwork himself when someone in his network vouched for CM YUVA.

After receiving 4.25 lakh, she transformed one floor of her house into a professional cake studio. She bought machinery and raw materials, turning her kitchen experiments into a fledgling business, with working hours from 10am to 7pm—sometimes past midnight to meet urgent orders.

Her specialty is luxury customisation: wedding cakes that resemble architectural masterpieces, sugar flowers that seem natural and freshly picked, structure cakes that blur the line between food and art. Sweet Sculpt now gets four to five orders a week, with 1kg cakes starting at Rs1,200. It has delivered orders from Lucknow, Gonda and Prayagraj.

Kanpur’s market has its unique challenges. Customers want luxury aesthetics without luxury budgets, spending Rs4,000 to Rs5,000 for cakes worth twice as much. Kaur has adapted by teaching women baking and running children’s workshops, with plans to open a coffee house. She is uncertain about loan repayment, but that has not diminished her determination.

In Lucknow, Tuba Siddiqui, 38, represents what happens when CM YUVA meets experienced entrepreneurship. Armed with a biotechnology degree and years of experience making nature-based personal and home care products, she needed capital to restart after a failed partnership forced her to shut her earlier venture.

The fully online application process was “surprisingly smooth”. When she delayed, the bank called to nudge her along. She received the full Rs5 lakh, plus a credit limit for raw materials. Today, her business—Soil Concepts—employs seven people and supplies around 60 organic stores across India. Her customer base of 60,000 includes actor Juhi Chawla, and talks are progressing to stock premium hotels. “We are profitable,” Siddiqui says of her AYUSH-certified, completely organic brand, which she runs with her husband, Faiz.

But she is also realistic: Rs5 lakh is not enough for scaling. When bulk orders require Rs10 lakh for packaging materials, the funding ceiling becomes a growth constraint. Still, she sees CM YUVA as a crucial bridge for viable businesses with experienced operators.

Not every story ends in success. Pawan Kumar Misra, 39, illustrates how implementation gaps can crush innovation. Despite a PhD in zoology, he struggled to find traditional employment, partly because of a locomotor disability. His business plan was online coaching, but the bank was sceptical because his home was on a back road. The bank wanted him to rent space with “better visibility”—a pointless expense for an online model.

He received only Rs2.5 lakh, enough for basic furniture and an air conditioner, but not the technology for digital classes. His dream of reaching underserved students collapsed. Today, he runs a conventional coaching centre. Despite the scheme’s promised six-month moratorium, the bank already deducts EMI of about Rs5,000. A friend who borrowed Rs4.25 lakh for a fast-food joint pays three times that amount, creating cash-flow pressures that make growth difficult.

“No coaching business can become an overnight success, and the margins are low,” says Misra. His case illustrates how arbitrary implementation can turn an opportunity to a burden.

CM YUVA’s approach is radical, says K. Vijayendra Pandian, commissioner and director, directorate of industries and enterprise promotion, who serves as the scheme’s mission director. The government absorbs the entire interest component—an unprecedented provision in India’s entrepreneurship ecosystem.

The target is staggering: one lakh entrepreneurs annually, 10 lakh over a decade. Eligibility is simple: age 21-40, with education up to at least Class 8. Apart from 100 per cent interest-free loans up to Rs5 lakh, the scheme offers a 10 per cent cash bonus on project costs, and further loan possibilities upon success.

CM YUVA also includes ideation support for over 350 business ideas, incubation help with registration and supplier connections, and ongoing mentorship through partnerships with 10 departments, ranging from rural livelihood missions to technical universities. A recently held three-day conclave and expo in Lucknow generated 5,000 leads, of which 200 have already been converted into applications. Such conclaves will be held in all divisions.

Support infrastructure includes 1.5 lakh centres for applications, dedicated personnel in each district, and retired bankers and chartered accountants for executing complex projects.

All this matters deeply in UP, where there is a cultural bias against entrepreneurship. Middle-class families see entrepreneurship as risky, preferring the security of monthly salaries to uncertain profits. But, despite the state’s 23 crore people having traditionally chased jobs, UP ranks fourth in unemployment at 5.45 per cent.

Roli Misra, professor at Lucknow University’s department of economics, says hindrances include low risk-taking capacity, bureaucratic bottlenecks and lack of investment opportunities.

Sarveshwar Shukla, joint commissioner (industries), who serves as the state’s nodal officer for the scheme, said there were sporadic instances of banks under-financing projects, charging additional interest, and not adhering to moratoriums. “We are dealing with such issues firmly. We have a robust system whereby we transfer all benefits such as interest, margin money and credit guarantee within 24 hours of lodging of bank claims,” he said.

Pandian, who hails from Tamil Nadu, gives an outsider’s view of the cultural shift under way: “Certain communities traditionally seek entrepreneurship. In UP, the young generation has now started to aspire to it. It’s a promising change.”

The change is visible. In Ghaziabad, 29-year-old civil engineer Ankit Sharma left a well-paying job at an American company to start JP Eco Build Creations, which makes “zero-pollution bricks” by using fly ash from thermal-power contractors, black ash from paper mill waste, coarse sand, and high-grade cement. Sharma was already into brick-making before he applied for CM YUVA; he used the funding for buying machinery, helping his company boost its production capacity to 6,000 bricks a day.

“In a job, you just wait for March and a nominal increment,” says Sharma. “When you do your own work, you can grow much faster.”

A spurt in the number of small businesses, driven by CM YUVA, could create up to five crore jobs, transforming UP from a labour-exporting state to a manufacturing hub. Early results show rapid loan processing, broad sectoral coverage, and cultural change. But implementation gaps could threaten transformative potential through arbitrary loan reductions, unclear interest reimbursement timelines, and limited scaling support. As Pandian notes, how the first batch performs will determine what happens next.

Back in Ramnagar Taal, Nishad packs up his equipment after another successful borewell. His experience shows that the question is no longer whether the scheme can create success stories. The real question is—can UP scale up these individual successes into a systemic change?

delhi-floods-crisis-waterlogging-causes-yamuna-drainage

Sat Sep 13 16:22:15 IST 2025

Magan Lal was electrocuted during the Delhi floods of 2013. He lost sensation in one arm and his job as an autorickshaw driver. More than a decade later, sitting in a makeshift shelter with his pug, the 70-year-old is reliving that nightmare; the streets are swollen with water again and his family has had to relocate.

“Our daily life is completely disrupted,” said his son Sanjay. “We’ve been forced to leave our homes and are living in these open tents. Do you think women can stay here?”

With the Yamuna’s water level rising because of Haryana releasing water at the Hathnikund barrage, along with incessant rains, the city’s residents, especially those in low-lying areas, have had to vacate their homes, and are facing electricity disruptions and are finding commuting difficult.

The rains have made the ground slippery for a state government still finding its feet. “The safety and convenience of citizens is our topmost priority, and every possible assistance is being assured,” said Chief Minister Rekha Gupta.

Her government has put up makeshift shelters for people alongside roads, is tracking the water levels round-the-clock and has used sandbags and pumps near the old Yamuna railway bridge to restrict the flow of water further into the city.

While Gupta has assured safety to the people, workers at the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) complain of equipment shortage. “It’s most dirty once the floodwater recedes, which we have to clean, but we have no gloves, nothing,” said Naresh Kumar. “What if we fall sick? We don’t have any medical cards or any kind of support.” Added Anita: “We have no uniforms and even the brooms, at times, we have to buy ourselves.”

At the core of the current challenge is Delhi’s dysfunctional drainage system. For decades, many of Delhi’s storm-water drains—which take excess rainwater away from roads—have been used to carry untreated sewage and solid waste. This toxic mixture clogs the drains, making them useless during heavy rainfall and causing water to back up onto the streets. A foul mixture of polluted water and garbage flows into residential areas and critical public spaces.

The storm-water drains are designed to empty into the Yamuna, but when the river’s water level rises, there is backflow into the drains and into the city.

A recent survey by the Delhi Jal Board revealed that the Najafgarh drain was the river’s biggest polluter, pumping untreated sewage into the Yamuna twice as much as expected. A significant chunk of this comes from Gurugram.

Worsening this situation is the rampant encroachment on the Yamuna’s floodplains, which are intended to act as a buffer when the river rises. While the Delhi Development Authority has ordered the removal of these encroachments, on-ground action seems to be lacking.

To her credit, the chief minister has been vocal about her commitment to addressing these challenges. She has set ambitious deadlines for civic improvement, including the complete clearing of Delhi’s three massive landfills. The government has scaled-up biomining capacity and has employed 58 trommel machines—used to separate materials by size—to process the waste. It is also focusing on a massive Yamuna clean-up, which includes upgrading sewage treatment plants and de-silting drains.

The Delhi government had announced a drive to make the capital clean by August 31. “However, due to mismanagement and lack of coordination, the deadline was extended till October 2,” said Delhi Congress spokesperson Sunil Kumar. “Repair of the drainage system to prevent annual flooding was largely invisible. Instead of structural interventions, the drive relied on stopgap measures, leaving citizens unconvinced about the government’s sincerity.”

Senior AAP MLA Sanjeev Jha, in a news conference in July, cited a Delhi Pollution Control Committee report to show that pollution levels in the Yamuna had doubled in areas where the river was previously clean.

BJP leaders, however, claim that the past government left them a defective machinery. Dr Anil Gupta, DPCC board member and BJP spokesperson, said, “We have always maintained that cleaning the Yamuna will take three years. The work is underway, and conditions are far better than before. This is not something that can be achieved in just a few days.”

As Rekha Gupta is finding out now, running the Delhi government has never been easy. During the AAP rule, the power struggle between the three tiers of governance—the Centre, the state government and the MCD (also controlled by the BJP)—was in full play. The lieutenant governor was also part of the power tussle, with then chief minister Arvind Kejriwal criticising him for overriding the AAP government’s policy decisions.

But when the people of Delhi voted the BJP to power in the assembly elections this February, it was meant to increase efficiency of governance—it would be a triple-engine government, with everything under BJP control.

Still, it has not been easy for first-time MLA Gupta, whose government seems to be grappling on two critical fronts—fulfilling pre-poll promises and pushing through key policy decisions. On the first, citizens wait for commitments to materialise; on the second, the administration has already been forced to roll back two crucial decisions in the face of public backlash.

In February, soon after assuming office, the BJP government had launched demolition drives that displaced thousands of residents from juggi-jhopdi (slum) clusters that were encroaching on public spaces. While Gupta clarified that many families had been allotted alternative housing, several were still left homeless. Defending the move, she said, “The court ordered removal of this slum… no one can defy court orders.”

By August, with the Bihar assembly elections drawing close, her stance appeared to soften. She vowed that “no slum will be razed without providing permanent housing” and emphasised that her government was prepared to amend policies or even approach the courts to safeguard residents.

Then there was the second withdrawal. The government had passed an order to deny fuel to vehicles that had crossed a certain age—10 years for diesel cars; 15 for petrol—from July 1. Within two days, the government saw growing public outcry and also sensed operational challenges in implementing the order. It was deferred.

“In Delhi, elections are more than four years away, and so they seem to be experimenting without giving enough thought,” said Satish Jha, associate professor of political science at the Delhi University.

For the BJP government to impress the people, it needs to make visible improvements in their daily lives—uninterrupted power supply, a garbage-free city, better drainage systems and efficient traffic control.

And unlike the AAP, which blamed the multiple power centres in Delhi’s administration, the BJP has no such excuse.

—With inputs from Shubhangi Shah

bihar-cultural-renaissance-ancient-glory

Sat Sep 13 16:01:54 IST 2025

Bihar is often seen as one of India’s less developed states. But, for Biharis, their land is a source of immense pride, built on ancient civilisations, brilliant minds and transformative achievements.

For instance, just 30km from Patna, the village of Taregna—literally “counting of stars”—once stood at the centre of astronomy. Around 499 CE, a young Aryabhata, barely in his twenties, gazed into the cosmos from this humble village. He charted the heavens with simple instruments and a mind centuries ahead of its time.

He unravelled the true nature of eclipses (debunking the belief that they were caused by supernatural forces) and identified earth’s axial rotation as the cause of day and night. He calculated the length of a year, with startling precision: 365.2588 days. One can almost picture him under the night sky, scribbling equations by lamplight, stars above and silence around.

Taregna, sadly, is now on the edge of obscurity. A recent visit by a team from IIT Patna’s department of cosmology uncovered traces of ancient instruments—Aryabhata’s own, perhaps. But a suitable memorial to him is yet to be thought of.

Bihar’s post-independence story has often been one of missed opportunities. The state failed to industrialise or build the infrastructure needed for sustained growth. Roads remained poor, irrigation unreliable and power supply irregular. As Punjab capitalised on its agrarian strengths, Bihar lagged behind, its farmlands vulnerable to seasonal extremes.

The soul of Bihar lies in its lush, fertile plains sustained by the rivers Ganga, Sone and Gandak, which occasionally test its resilience through floods.

Once home to thriving sugar and paper mills, Bihar’s industrial base collapsed because of inadequate governance, shortsighted policy and underinvestment. This economic stagnation spurred a large number of youth to seek education and employment elsewhere.

The creation of Jharkhand in 2000 dealt another blow. Much of Bihar’s mineral wealth was transferred to the new state. Deprived of coal and iron reserves, Bihar was unable to power new industries. Despite improvements in roads and communication, economic development remained uneven because of weak political leadership.

Education, once a hallmark of Bihar’s identity, also faltered. The ancient Nalanda university drew scholars from across Asia, but Bihar’s educational institutions have struggled in modern times. While states like Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra invested heavily in human capital, Bihar’s schools and colleges deteriorated. Recent establishment of institutions like the IIT and the All India Institute of Medical Sciences in Patna, and another AIIMS branch in Darbhanga, offers signs of renewal. But they remain steps, not leaps.

The maharaja of Darbhanga donated land and infrastructure to Patna University and helped establish Lalit Narayan Mithila University and Kameshwar Singh Sanskrit University—institutions that continue to shape higher education in the state. But youth seeking a better future continue to migrate to other states.

Bihar is not short on potential. It has fertile soil, cultural depth and an enduring spirit. Today, Biharis dream not only of revival but of a renaissance—their gaze turning towards a better future.

HIDDEN CULTURAL SPLENDOUR

Bihar’s lesser-known festivals reflect its deep-rooted tradition. They rarely make national headlines, but these celebrations tell unique stories of emotional depth and resilience.

Take Jitia, for instance—a mother’s dawn-to-dusk fast for the well-being of her children, rooted in the legend of King Jimutavahana, who sacrificed himself to save a serpent couple’s offspring. In Mithila, mothers chant ancient hymns, abstain from even a drop of water and offer prayers that bridge generations.

Similarly poignant is Madhushrawani, celebrated by newlywed women. It begins with a ritual fast, which is followed by a public celebration. Entire villages gather to share food, exchange blessings and narrate inspirational tales of marital harmony.

On the full moon night of Ashwin, the Kojagara festival begins with an invocation of prosperity. Women stay awake, offering prayers to the goddess Lakshmi, while families share delicacies made from makhana (foxnut), which is widely grown in ponds in the Mithila region. Under the night sky, they exchange paan and supari, strengthening friendship and familial bonds.

Bihar’s cultural fabric is not only festive; it is also deeply spiritual. Home to Mahavira and the Buddha, the land remains steeped in ancient wisdom. Many temples now lie in obscurity or ruins, but they whisper stories of devotion that have withstood time. In Mahishi, for instance, the 14th-century Kandaha Sun Temple, built by King Narsingh Dev, holds within its sanctum a granite idol of the sun and a miraculous well said to heal skin ailments. Local legends speak of bronze and panchadhatu idols hidden there during invasions. Bihar is also home to one of India’s oldest Hindu temples—the Mundeshwari temple in Kaimur district, which was built 2,000 years ago.

Jai Mangla Gadh in Begusarai, near the Kanwar Lake Bird Sanctuary, is one of the 52 shakti peeths where spiritual energy and ecological beauty intertwine. Migratory birds circle the ancient temple, and the winds carry chants across the wetlands. The site holds vast tourism potential as a confluence of ecology and devotion.

TIMELESS TALES OF GENIUS

Bihar has given India some of its most luminous minds—poets, philosophers and thinkers. Among the most legendary is Kalidasa, one of the greatest Sanskrit poets and playwrights. His birthplace remains debated, but many scholars believe he was connected to Bihar, particularly during the Gupta era in Pataliputra. His masterpieces, Abhijnana Shakuntalam and Meghaduta, evoke a landscape of pristine rivers, tranquil forests and spiritual serenity—imagery that reflects the natural and cultural richness of Bihar.

Bihar’s intellectual tradition extends into the realm of philosophy. Udayanacharya of Kariyan village in Samastipur was a formidable logician and champion of the Nyaya school of Indian philosophy. His works, like Nyaya Kusumanjali, remain seminal texts.

Equally iconic is the debate between Sankara and Mandan Mishra in Mahishi, Saharsa—a battle of wits between Advaita and Mimamsa philosophies. When the contest ended in a stalemate, Mandan’s wife, Bharti, entered the fray, posing questions on household life and ethics. This intellectual debate—vigorous, civil and profound—remains a storied moment of Indian philosophy and of women’s status.

Bihar continued to birth literary giants in modern times. Ramdhari Singh Dinkar, the rashtrakavi, gave voice to India’s independence movement with fiery poems like ‘Rashmirathi’ and ‘Parashuram ki Prateeksha’. His verses were not just lyrical—they were weapons of resistance.

Phanishwar Nath Renu, with his landmark novel Maila Anchal, brought to life the beauty and struggles of modern Bihar. Acharya Surendra Jha ‘Suman’ left a deep mark on Maithili and Sanskrit literature while serving as a parliamentarian. Another powerful voice was Baidyanath Mishra Yatri, whose poems in Hindi and Maithili addressed political unrest and social injustice, making him a true poet of the people. Bhikhari Thakur emerged as Bhojpuri’s Shakespeare, with plays like Bidesiya giving voice to migrant workers and the marginalised. His plays, rich in social commentary, are still performed across Bihar.

ART OF THE MATTER

Bihar’s vibrant spirit shines through its art and cinema. The centuries-old Madhubani paintings of Mithilanchal—once simple wall adornments—have evolved into a celebrated art form. Pioneering artists such as Sita Devi and Ganga Devi have elevated it to the global stage.

On screen, Bihar’s stories find many voices. Maithili films like Mamta Gaave Geet (1981) beautifully showcased the richness of that language and culture. Its heartwarming songs, infused with traditional folk melodies, became a staple in homes and celebrations across the region. The first-ever Bhojpuri film, Ganga Maiya Tohe Piyari Chadhaibo (1963), tackled themes of social justice and family values, establishing a strong connection with the audience. Hindi cinema has also found inspiration in Bihar’s diverse stories and landscapes. Prakash Jha’s hard-hitting dramas (Gangaajal, Apaharan, Rajneeti) and biopics like Manjhi: The Mountain Man (2015)—about a man who single-handedly carved a path through a mountain using only a hammer and chisel—draw on the region’s grit and grandeur. Stars such as Shatrughan Sinha and Manoj Bajpayee have brought Bihari sensibilities onto the national stage, their performances rooted in the state’s complex social tapestry.

Today, Bihar is reclaiming its legacy as a centre of learning and innovation. Coaching hubs in Patna drive the dreams of thousands of civil service aspirants. Upgraded roads, electrification, rural connectivity and welfare schemes, like the Mukhyamantri Kanya Utthan Yojana, signal progress.

But challenges such as poverty, unemployment and migration remain.

The 2024–25 Union budget laid out a bold vision for Bihar’s resurgence, blending economic growth with cultural revival. With a record allocation of Rs58,900 crore, the budget favours infrastructure, energy, flood control, tourism, education and health care—areas that are critical to attracting investment, creating jobs and reversing migration.

Key projects include Rs26,000 crore for new roads and a major Ganga bridge to boost connectivity; Rs21,400 crore for a 2400MW power plant to enhance energy access; and Rs11,500 crore for flood management to safeguard agriculture. Tourism will benefit from upgrades to heritage sites like the Vishnupad and Mahabodhi temples, while new medical colleges and airports signal the commitment to improving lives.

The budget reflects the aspirations of a youthful Bihar—better education, job opportunities and a more equitable future. Programmes supporting skill development, entrepreneurship and women’s empowerment aim to bridge rural-urban divides. Initiatives like the Bihar Innovation Lab and the Smart Village Programme are digitising public services and furthering e-governance, telemedicine and digital education. Efforts to revive Madhubani art and support local artisans blend tradition with innovation.

A clear political vision and a mighty cultural revival are essential for the great future that Bihar truly deserves.

Thakur is a writer, translator and educationist.

maharashtra-maratha-reservation-devendra-fadnavis-manoj-jarange-patil-protest

Sun Sep 07 11:40:29 IST 2025

ON AUGUST 29, Maratha leader Manoj Jarange Patil marched into Mumbai with tens of thousands of supporters and began a fast-unto-death at Azad Maidan. It was his eighth such fast for Maratha reservation, and this time he declared that he would not return without it.

Within days, the city ground to a halt. Nearly 30,000 protesters poured into South Mumbai in thousands of vehicles, choking traffic, occupying public spaces, and even spilling into the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus. The Bombay High Court rebuked the agitation for violating conditions and paralysing the city, calling Jarange Patil’s earlier assurances “lip service”. Judges complained that even their cars had been blocked. By the fifth day, Jarange Patil had stopped drinking water, vowing not to leave Mumbai “even if I die”.

The government, caught between a restless Maratha community and its core OBC vote bank that was against ceding to the protesters’ demands, scrambled for a solution. On September 3, the sixth day of the agitation, a cabinet subcommittee formed to look into the issue decided to accept six of Jarange Patil’s eight demands, prompting him to end his fast. The accepted demands included recognition of the Hyderabad Gazetteer as the primary historical document for Marathas in Marathwada region to claim OBC status, withdrawal of all cases against Maratha activists, compensation and government jobs for the kin of those who died during the protests, and cancellation of fines imposed on vehicles used by the protesters.

Two demands remain pending: implementation of Satara, Pune and Aundh gazetteers—on which the government has sought a month’s time—and recognition of Marathas and Kunbis as the same caste, for which the government has asked two months to study the legal aspects.

Jarange Patil declared victory before a huge crowd soon after the decisions were conveyed to him by Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, BJP leader and minister. “Jinklo re, raje ho (We have won thanks to your support),” he said, urging supporters to disperse peacefully.

Throughout this episode, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis projected a message: “Where there is a will, there is a way.” Soon after the protest ended, posters reading “Thank You Deva Bhau” were put up across the state by his supporters as well as many Marathas.

Fadnavis’s approach was marked by calm and patience, even when he was facing personal attacks and relentless trolling from sections of the Maratha community. Jarange Patil himself once branded him the “biggest liar”, but Fadnavis did not respond. Instead, he made sure that the initiative of solving the issue remained with the BJP rather than slipping into the hands of his allies—the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party, led by Deputy Chief Ministers Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, respectively. He gave the reins of the negotiations to Vikhe Patil, a trusted ally and member of an influential Maratha family from Ahilyanagar, and included Shivendra Raje Bhosale—the 14th descendent of Shivaji—on the cabinet subcommittee. Other members included Manikrao Kokate (NCP) and Uday Samant (Shiv Sena).

Fadnavis, Shinde and Pawar held two meetings with the subcommittee. Vikhe Patil was told to explain to Jarange Patil that OBC status could not be granted to the entire Maratha community, and that the word sarsakat (“all at once”) would have to be dropped. When Jarange Patil relented on this point on September 2, the door to a settlement opened. From then on, Vikhe Patil’s official residence, Royal Stone bungalow, became the hub of government action to end the agitation. Vikhe Patil held around five meetings with the subcommittee and legal experts, scrutinising each demand to find a legally tenable solution.

It was agreed that the Hyderabad Gazetteer would be accepted as a valid base document, since Marathwada was a part of the Nizam’s state before independence. To speed up verification and the scrutiny of claims, a three-member, village-level panel—comprising revenue officer, gram panchayat officer, and assistant agriculture officer—would assess applications. (Earlier, such cases were handled by the tehsil office.) Thus, a Maratha farmer from Marathwada can submit an affidavit citing an ancestor’s name as Kunbi in the Hyderabad Gazetteer, or use a relative’s Kunbi certificate to secure OBC status.

Once Fadnavis gave the go-ahead, a government resolution was issued and kept ready. Other resolutions, too, were readied after Fadnavis held four meetings with Advocate General Birendra Saraf and Vikhe Patil to ensure that the solution that the subcommittee discussed with Jarange Patil were all legally acceptable. He also made sure that Jarange Patil alone held a series of discussions with the subcommittee. Fadnavis maintained a facade of normalcy throughout the process—attending Ganesh pandals, signing investment agreements, and quietly micromanaging negotiations through Vikhe Patil.

Fadnavis also asked Shivendra Raje Bhosale, being from the Satara royal family, to personally assure Jarange Patil of a month’s timeline to look into the issue of whether the Satara Gazetteer—which classifies Marathas as Kunbi-Marathas—can be considered a valid base document. When Raje delivered the message, Jarange Patil said, “Raje, we trust you.”

Notably, Shinde and Pawar kept a distance all through the crisis. Shinde went to his native Dare, while Pawar went to Pune. They came only when Fadnavis called a top-level meeting with Vikhe Patil’s subcommittee.

The government decision has made OBC groups unhappy. They view it as a backdoor entry for Marathas into the OBC quota. Chhagan Bhujbal, senior OBC leader and minister, said they would study all government resolutions before holding a meeting for launching a statewide agitation.

Fadnavis may have emerged a hero for now, but if the OBCs mobilise, he would face a far tougher challenge. The OBCs have been a core BJP constituency, and antagonising them could prove costly in the upcoming municipal and district polls. Perhaps that is why Fadnavis is insisting that giving blanket reservation to Marathas is impossible. “There are High Court and Supreme Court decisions against it,” he said. “Also reservation cannot be applied to an entire community; one has to apply for it.”

THE MARATHA reservation issue has a long history.

The Marathas have traditionally been ruling elites in Maharashtra’s society, constituting nearly 30 per cent of the state’s population. Even before Shivaji’s ascent to power, all nobles employed by the Mughals and the sultanates that preceded them were Marathas. Before independence, Patils and Deshmukhs—clans that were a part of the Maratha fold—headed thousands of villages. Even now, the community continues to dominate the social ladder in rural Maharashtra.

Unrest in the community began as population growth resulted in shrunken farm holdings. Unresolved problems in the agriculture sector added to their woes.

The demand for Maratha reservation in jobs and education was first raised four decades ago. But successive chief ministers, all of them upper-class Marathas, continued to ignore it—until Prithviraj Chavan, in 2012, appointed a committee headed by minister Narayan Rane of the Congress to look into the issue. The Rane committee’s report recommended a 16 per cent quota for the Marathas in jobs and education.

Chavan’s government was defeated in the assembly polls two years later. The BJP came to power and Fadnavis became chief minister. He granted reservation to the community, and the decision was upheld by the Bombay High Court. The Supreme Court, however, struck it down, saying quotas cannot breach the 50 per cent cap it had set earlier. At the time of the Supreme Court judgment, the Maha Vikas Aghadi government led by Uddhav Thackeray of the Shiv Sena was in power. The current Fadnavis government blames the MVA government for failing to take adequate steps to protect Maratha reservation.

Throughout Jarange Patil’s agitation, Fadnavis had been insisting on a solution within the legal framework. “Just to make someone happy, the government cannot take decisions that will not stand legally,” he said.

A section of BJP leaders felt that Jarange Patil was targeting Fadnavis because he was a Brahmin. Also, Fadnavis was deputy chief minister handling the home portfolio when Jarange Patil’s first big rally in Antarwali Sarati in Jalna district in 2023 was crushed by the police. A section in the BJP had then criticised Shinde, then chief minister, for “pampering” Jarange Patil instead of dealing with him firmly. “We don’t know for sure how much of the agitation is for reservation, and how much of it is against Fadnavis,” said a BJP leader. “Jarange Patil is not saying a word against Shinde or Pawar. He is only targeting the CM, when the fact is that whatever reservation the Marathas have had was given by Fadnavis.”

A senior BJP leader said the party did not want the OBC quota of 27 per cent to be affected by its Maratha reservation decision. This means Fadnavis will have to do another fine balancing act to find a solution that would keep both the OBCs and the Marathas happy. “This cannot be done overnight,” said the BJP leader. Bhujbal has already warned that lakhs of OBC group members would march to Mumbai if Marathas are included in the OBC quota.

Fadnavis, perhaps, can take a cue from a statement he made when he was opposition leader: “Where there is will, there is a way. Where there is no will, there are committees, commissions and reports.”

chhattisgarh-naxal-vishnu-deo-sai-maoist-threat-insurgency-interview

Sat Sep 06 12:29:19 IST 2025

Interview/ Vishnu Deo Sai, Chhattisgarh chief minister

When Chhattisgarh was carved out of Madhya Pradesh in 2000, it emerged as a state rich in forests, minerals and water resources, but burdened with sharp developmental divides owing to its difficult terrain and limited administrative reach. These gaps soon turned it into a safe haven for Maoists, who, after being driven out of Andhra Pradesh, entrenched themselves in the state’s tribal belts. Taking cover in the dense forests and remote villages of a dozen districts cut off from governance, the insurgents turned Chhattisgarh into the epicentre of Maoist violence.

But sustained security operations over the past decade, coupled with development initiatives and welfare schemes, have steadily blunted the Maoist threat. Road connectivity, health centres, schools and mobile networks have drawn the once-isolated villages into the governance fold.

The Maoists have been pushed to the margins in Bastar, Bijapur, Dantewada, Sukma, Kanker and Narayanpur—once the heartland of the insurgency. The induction of 1,500 surrendered Maoists into the District Reserve Guards (DRG) has been a game changer. Their first-hand knowledge of Maoist tactics and terrain has given security forces a decisive edge in operations, resulting in successes such as the neutralisation of top leader Basavaraju early this year.

The close alignment of the state government under Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai with the Union home ministry has boosted the counterinsurgency strategy. An ambitious target has been announced: a Naxal-free Chhattisgarh by March 2026. In an extensive interview with THE WEEK, Sai said meeting the target required security goals to be matched by visible progress on the ground—in terms of infrastructure, education, jobs and industrial growth.

“Chhattisgarh is rebranding itself as one of India’s most attractive investment destinations,” he said, “securing over Rs6.65 lakh crore in proposals under its new Industrial Development Policy 2024-2030.” Sai said the state’s strategy prioritises security and development, “but remains open to dialogue under clear conditions—complete renunciation of violence and acceptance of the Constitution”. Excerpts from the interview:

Chhattisgarh has often been associated with naxalism in national discourse. How is the narrative shifting from security concerns to development milestones—particularly in Bastar?

Security operations have yielded remarkable results with 445 naxals having been neutralised, 1,500 surrendered, and 1,552 apprehended. Camps have been established in far-flung villages in the Bastar region to serve as gateways for welfare delivery. Through the Niyad Nellanar Yojana, nearly 1.11 lakh people in 327 villages across five districts of Bastar have gained access to job cards, PM Awas Yojana houses, schools and health centres.

Connectivity in Bastar has significantly improved. The Road Requirement Plan (92.6 per cent of 1,800km completed) and the Road Connectivity Project (72.2 per cent of 2,327km) now connect remote villages to markets and services. The Raipur–Visakhapatnam Expressway will connect Bastar to ports and industrial centres. Rail lines link Jagdalpur to Bhubaneswar, Rourkela and Visakhapatnam, while air routes connect Bastar to Hyderabad, Bilaspur and Jabalpur.

Around 90,000 youth have been trained under the Mukhya Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana, and 39,000 have found jobs. Bastar’s natural and cultural heritage is being promoted for tourism—Chitrakote and Tirathgarh falls, Danteshwari temple and Bastar Dussehra [are part of] the ‘Destination Chhattisgarh’ campaign. Dhudmaras village was recognised by UNESCO for sustainable tourism. New medical colleges are being established in Kondagaon, and schools have reopened.

The Industrial Development Policy 2024–30 has placed Chhattisgarh among India’s top 10 investment destinations. What were the key policy changes that helped drive this turnaround?

In just six months, we have attracted investment proposals worth Rs6.65 lakh crore—reflecting trust not just in our resources, but in our governance. Several key policy shifts have driven this turnaround. First, the scope of industrial investment has been expanded beyond traditional mining into IT, semiconductors, green energy, health care, pharma and logistics. We have operationalised the ‘one-click single window system 2.0’, enabling all departmental approvals to be completed online. Over 350 structural reforms have been implemented; more importantly, we have made compliance simpler, faster and fully digital.

What mechanisms are in place to ensure that the investments translate into jobs for youth and women?

The investments are not just about capital inflow—it’s about creating sustainable livelihoods. Our industrial policy embeds clear mechanisms to ensure that these investments directly benefit youth, women, small enterprises and marginalised communities. We have mandated local employment linkages across sectors.

Additionally, Nava Raipur is emerging as an employment engine with BPO hubs, livelihood centres of excellence, and a 200-acre MediCity. To support youth and startups, we have developed incubation centres, while land is being offered to MSMEs at concessional rates. Specific provisions have been made for SC/ST communities, women, ex-servicemen, people from Naxal-affected areas and surrendered Naxals.

The policy offers special benefits for industries generating more than 1,000 jobs. Any successes so far? And how are outcomes being monitored on the ground?

We are already seeing strong examples—like Polymatech Electronics’s Rs1,100-crore semiconductor unit in Nava Raipur, which will produce 10 billion chips annually and generate substantial employment, and Rackbank’s 150MW data centre, which is creating a range of tech and support jobs. Sectoral clusters like the MediCity, readymade garment park, and furniture cluster are also designed to generate mass employment.

You inherited a state with strong political divides. How is the state ensuring continuity in governance while pursuing new administrative priorities?

Our government prioritises unity and effective governance, strengthening welfare programs like PM Kisan Samman Nidhi, which supports 26 lakh farmers, and Ayushman Bharat, which covers 87 per cent citizens. Administrative reforms focus on transparency and efficiency, integrating new priorities like tech economy and green energy while maintaining continuity for effective, result-oriented governance.

The DRG has former Maoists playing a key role in counterinsurgency. How has this strategy shaped the morale and effectiveness of ground operations?

Their first-hand knowledge of Naxal tactics and terrain has provided our security forces with a strategic advantage, improving intelligence and operational precision. This has led to notable successes, such as the neutralisation of CPI (Maoist) general secretary Basavaraju. Their involvement has also encouraged further surrenders, with more than 1,500 Naxalites laying down arms.

There have been intermittent public discussions around the possibility of a ceasefire or dialogue with the remaining Maoist factions. Is the government open to engagement under clear conditions, or is the strategy strictly focused on security and development integration?

Our strategy prioritises security and development, but remains open to dialogue under clear conditions—complete renunciation of violence and acceptance of the Constitution. Violence and peace talks cannot coexist. We welcome those who choose peace, but engagement must be transparent and unconditional.

What is the current status of the state’s rehabilitation and resettlement policy for surrendered Maoists and displaced tribal families? Are there concrete timelines and monitoring mechanisms to ensure their long-term integration into the mainstream?

Our rehabilitation policy offers surrendered Naxalites Rs10,000 a month for three years, one hectare in rural areas or four decimals in urban areas, 15,000 PM Awas units, and skill training. Groups with 80 per cent surrender rate receive double the bounty. Naxal-free villages get Rs1 crore for development. Dedicated monitoring cells ensure timelines are met, facilitating long-term integration and self-reliance.

meghalaya-tourism-northeast-india-conrad-sangma-interview

Sun Sep 07 11:32:44 IST 2025

Interview/ Conrad K. Sangma, chief minister, Meghalaya

IN HIS SECOND term as Meghalaya chief minister, Conrad K. Sangma has emerged as one of the most visible faces from the northeast on the national stage. And he is busy balancing his regional aspirations with his role in the National Democratic Alliance.

At his Lodhi Estate official residence in Delhi, Sangma explains how Meghalaya is moving up the tourism ladder with its cloud-draped valleys and music festivals. His government has been pushing for infrastructure improvement. “By 2027, Airbus A320s will land in Shillong,” he says. Excerpts from an interview:

Q/ How do you see the growth in tourism in Meghalaya and the efforts behind it?

A/ We have been focusing on the core infrastructure, including creating accommodation and connectivity. These have improved a lot. It’s only three years ago that Meghalaya got its first five-star hotel, and four more will come up in the next few years. By 2027, bigger aircraft like the Airbus A320 will start landing in Shillong Airport, giving us direct connectivity with metros like Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore and Hyderabad.

We have also invested heavily in developing locations through externally aided projects and the Government of India schemes. The iconic structures and important tourist destinations are getting a facelift. We expect these upgrades to further boost tourism.

Q/ What is Meghalaya’s selling point to the tourists?

A/ Every state should build on its strengths. For us, it’s our natural beauty, the landscapes, waterfalls and forests. Naturally, our focus is on eco-tourism and nature-based tourism. We want to market Shillong and Meghalaya as a place where visitors can feel refreshed and one with nature. But it’s not just about nature. Our culture is unique, and we want tourists to experience our food, festivals, music and traditions. Combining culture with natural beauty makes the experience more sustainable and memorable.

Q/ Connectivity and last-mile access have always been challenges in the northeast. How are you addressing them?

A/ Tourists today want hassle-free connectivity. In 2018, when we took over, there was no flight connectivity to Shillong. The airport wasn’t functional. We worked on that, and now flights are operating. The runway isn’t long enough for larger aircraft, but we are extending it. By 2027, we’ll be able to handle A320s.

Under my Chief Minister’s Elevate Programme, entrepreneurs and travel agents get a 45 per cent subsidy to purchase vehicles like Toyota Innovas. Some 200 vehicles have already been added, with drivers trained in professional hospitality. We’re also encouraging homestays, because they give tourists a unique, comfortable experience that combines local culture with modern amenities. The idea is to create a seamless flow from arrival to accommodation, transport, guides and activities.

Q/ Which are the regions tourists mainly come from?

A/ Connectivity plays a big role. We have many tourists from Gujarat, Maharashtra and Assam. There’s also a steady flow from Kolkata, since we have direct flights. International arrivals aren’t at the level we want yet.

Earlier, tourists stayed just for a day or two. Now, with structured experiences, they are staying four to six days. When they stay long it helps both in revenue for the state and livelihoods for our people.

Q/ Nearly 50 per cent of the state’s population is below 20. How is your government catering to their employment needs?

A/ We have roughly 80,000 people joining the workforce every year. That’s a challenge. Government jobs are limited, only about 1,500 a year. That’s why from day one, I have focused on entrepreneurship. We now have separate programmes for urban, rural, self-help group-based, pharma, and skill-based entrepreneurs. I would say that we have got one of the most aggressive entrepreneurship programmes in the entire country. Meghalaya has been recognised by the Centre as one of the best ecosystems for startups among smaller states.

We are also investing in music and sports. Through the Chief Minister’s Grassroots Music Programme, we support more than 7,500 artistes, paying them for live performances at tourist locations. Many earn Rs7,000–Rs15,000 per performance. This not only provides income but also enriches the tourist experience.

Q/ You’ve set a target of making Meghalaya a $16 billion economy by 2032. Is that realistic?

A/ When we started in 2018, Meghalaya’s economy was Rs30,000 crore. Today, it is Rs60,000 crore; we’ve doubled in seven years. Our immediate target is Rs85,000 crore (about $10 billion) by 2028, as the momentum has picked up, and we’re confident of reaching $16 billion by 2032. I agree these are ambitious, but our growth trajectory and momentum show we’re on track.

Q/ You’ve often walked a fine line between regional identity and national alliance politics. How do you balance the interests of Meghalaya while being an NDA member?

A/ India is a diverse country, so regional aspirations are natural. What works for larger states like Maharashtra or Gujarat may not apply to Meghalaya or the northeast as some of the criteria are different. Therefore, it is natural to have regional aspirations. But, obviously, we are Indians, and we are all part of the same nation. If there is any issue to do with nationalism, if there’s any issue to do with the security of our nation, we ensure that national interest is not compromised. Diversity means occasional clashes of interest, but in most cases, a balance can be found.

Q/ What support are you seeking from the Centre for Meghalaya?

A/ To be fair, in the last eight years, we have received unprecedented support from the Centre. For example, under PMAY, the state received 40,000 houses in 15 years. We have built 1.5 lakh houses in just a few years with only 10,000 left to complete. That shows both the Centre’s support and our ability to deliver. I have placed some important project requests with the prime minister and finance minister, but, overall, the Centre has been very responsive.

jammu-kashmir-lavender-farming-bhaderwah-purple-revolution

Sat Sep 06 12:17:01 IST 2025

BHADERWAH, A PICTURESQUE town in Jammu’s Doda district, is awash in purple. The scent of lavender fills the air. What began as an experiment has grown into an economic transformation, as farmers-turned entrepreneurs ride the wave of lavender’s growing popularity.

The shift began in 2016, when the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research–Indian Institute of Integrative Medicine (CSIR-IIIM), Jammu, introduced lavender cultivation in Bhaderwah, nestled in the Chenab valley, under the Centre’s Aroma Mission. The results were dramatic: farmers began earning three to four times more than they did from traditional crops like maize. But the transformation did not stop there.

Bhaderwah is now buzzing with entrepreneurial energy, with cultivators launching startups built on lavender’s growing popularity.

“My company was made out of lavender,” says Touqeer Ahmed, managing director of JK Aroma. What began as a small lavender patch eventually grew into a business empire. Founded in 2017, JK Aroma today sells over 25 value-added products—soaps, oils, perfumes, tea, incense sticks and more—through outlets in Jammu and Kashmir, Goa, and online platforms. “Over 15 people work with me directly on lavender, and 2,500-3,000 are connected through the raw material supply chain across Chenab valley,” he says.

Arjun Raina, 23, runs RidAyu Botanics, a startup also rooted in lavender. “We began with farming, and then launched the business,” says Raina. “Last year, our turnover was around Rs65 lakh.” His company now connects with about 1,000 farmers and has recently gone digital with its own website.

“The entrepreneurs of Bhaderwah have busted the myth that startups are limited to information technology or require foreign degrees,” says Jitendra Singh, Union minister of state (independent charge) for science and technology, “Our youth, in collaboration with CSIR-IIIM, have shown how passion, perseverance, and learning can build sustainable agriculture-based ventures.” In June, Singh, who is also an MP from Udhampur, Jammu, inaugurated Bhaderwah’s Lavender Festival.

Zabeer Ahmed, director of CSIR-IIIM, credits the transformation to science-backed support. “Initially, farmers were reluctant. Now, they are sending people to metros to understand markets better,” he says.

CSIR-IIIM has provided the planting material, distillation facilities, and guidance on value addition and quality control. “We have set up 15 distillation units in the region and 55 across J&K. Farmers can access our value addition lab in Jammu, where they are trained to make soaps, perfumes, diffusers and even incense sticks using residual material from distillation,” say Ahmed.

Despite the success, hurdles remain. “The price of lavender oil has dipped due to the influx of cheaper, lower-quality imports,” says Ahmed. With no minimum support price in place, many farmers are hesitant to invest. “Last year, the region distilled only 125 litres of oil because prices were low, although dried lavender flowers still found a market,” he says.

One of the early adopters, Bharat Bhushan, 48, is a local icon. With lavender oil prices under pressure, Bhushan began creating his own range of products. “We wanted to do something new,” he says. The Army helped—offering machinery and even promoting their products through canteens.

Lavender’s success has also sparked a social shift, drawing young people back to their roots. Raina points out friends helping at his stall—a hotel management graduate is experimenting with lavender lattes and mocktails; another is exploring lavender-infused embroidery, and someone is even pickling it.

As Minister Jitendra Singh puts it, “Lavender has given Bhaderwah a national identity. This is a new paradigm—a rural, agriculture-based startup revolution that is both scalable and sustainable.” To dispel the myth that startups are only for the young, he announced that next year’s festival will showcase entrepreneurs aged 60 and above.

mahagathbandhan-vote-theft-campaign-bihar-rahul-tejashwi-lead-yatra

Sun Aug 24 10:00:11 IST 2025

SASARAM

Enthusiastic youth, rooftop gatherings of voters, loud music, booming announcements about “vote theft” and Tejashwi Yadav’s projected comeback have charged up the opposition’s campaign against Nitish Kumar’s two-decade rule in Bihar. Adding to the momentum is the ‘Voter Adhikar Yatra’, launched from Sasaram, the historical capital of Sher Shah Suri and the electoral bastion of Jagjivan Ram.

Posters at the rally display the faces of nearly every opposition leader. Groups of Rashtriya Janata Dal and Congress workers wave banners and shout “Mahagathbandhan zindabad” as they march. Cadres of smaller parties join in.

On stage, two leaders of the younger generation—55-year-old Rahul Gandhi and 35-year-old Tejashwi—prepare to address the crowd. “My elder brother, leader of the opposition Rahul Gandhi, has given the BJP a hard time,” Tejashwi says. “Together, we are here to defend your fundamental right, the right to vote.” Clips of Rahul and Tejashwi bonding, including one of Rahul pouring water for RJD supremo Lalu Prasad, are quickly circulated on social media to project closeness and unity within the INDIA bloc.

During Tejashwi’s speech, some RJD supporters chant “Rahul Gandhi zindabad”, underscoring how the Congress leader has injected new energy into the campaign ahead of the assembly polls. The crowd is buoyant, with many convinced that nothing can stop the RJD-led alliance from defeating the ruling National Democratic Alliance.

Rahul repeats on stage what he said at his much-watched press conference on August 7: that the BJP, through the Election Commission of India, has manipulated voter lists to ensure its victory. “After Rahul exposed the Election Commission, we must support the Mahagathbandhan more aggressively,” says Babban Singh, 63, who travelled from Buxar to attend the rally.

Tens of thousands gather at these meetings to see Rahul and Tejashwi. BJP supporters, however, dismiss the allegations, pointing to a lack of evidence and noting that the Election Commission has mounted a legal challenge. Leaders from the saffron camp call the charge of “vote theft” a “political drama” designed to spread confusion.

What makes the campaign striking, says political analyst Madan Mohan Jha, is the BJP’s inability to provide a strong factual rebuttal. “This is the second time after the ‘Constitution in danger’ slogan during the Lok Sabha polls that the opposition has managed to frame a powerful narrative.” A Congress mayor, requesting anonymity, says Rahul’s presence after the “exposé” will strengthen the Congress both organisationally and electorally, boosting the Mahagathbandhan’s prospects.

Meanwhile, some of Nitish Kumar’s traditional voters appear unsettled. Political observers argue that anti-incumbency, combined with “age politics” against the 74-year-old chief minister, could weaken the NDA. The opposition claims the BJP is manipulating the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter rolls to disenfranchise RJD supporters and tilt the outcome.

Baisakhi Ram, 70, from Kesarpura in Aurangabad district, says the election system is under BJP control. “No matter how hard the Mahagathbandhan works, it will be the BJP that returns to power,” he says. Akhilesh Yadav, a 40-year-old labourer in Sheoganj, voices similar concerns. “The BJP is using this revision to steal RJD votes so they can rule forever. Tejashwi gave jobs and worked hard as deputy chief minister. But how will I vote for him? My voter ID still hasn’t been issued.”

Apart from consolidating their base, opposition parties are targeting swing voters who decide late and tend to vote on issues rather than loyalty. They are also attempting to penetrate Nitish’s traditional support base through stronger cadre mobilisation. Balgovind Prajapat from Sheoganj says his son Ranjan, 25, still has no voter ID, along with around 200 others in their village of 1,800. “Last time we voted for Nitish. This time we are not sure. We may vote for the Mahagathbandhan,” he says.

Sensing uncertainty among Nitish’s supporters, RJD MP Abhay Kushwaha says that voting for Nitish could only help the BJP retain power. “We are working to gain their confidence, which will ensure our victory. Some EBCs (Extremely Backward Classes) and other groups are likely to shift towards us. And the ‘vote theft’ narrative is resonating. The more the Election Commission denies it, the more its credibility suffers.”

Opposition leaders believe they now have the momentum to sustain their campaign through the elections and beyond. Analysts say Bihar politics has shifted: earlier the BJP set the agenda while the Congress reacted, but now the BJP is being forced to respond to Rahul. RJD leader Ajit Singh believes there is an undercurrent against the ruling alliance. “This yatra has planted doubt about the NDA’s survival among the people. They may not say it openly but they will show it in the elections.”

Still, the BJP cannot be dismissed. With its disciplined cadre, strong booth-level presence and support from the administrative machinery, it remains a formidable player. The Mahagathbandhan, despite the energy of the “vote theft” campaign, lacks comparable organisational depth in several regions. On the ground, the gap is evident. Vipin Bihari Dubey, 65, a farmer from Suara near Sasaram, admits the opposition has stirred hopes of change but warns, “They must work harder to turn this momentum into victory.”

Whether these charged gatherings reflect a decisive shift remains uncertain. Congress’s Bihar in-charge Krishna Allavaru says it is too early to judge. Experts note that RJD supporters often create an early air of victory, projecting confidence long before results. While the contest looks neck and neck for now, the question is whether the “vote theft” charge will remain a rallying slogan or actually turn into votes.

election-commission-cannot-shield-itself-with-rhetoric-ex-eci-ashok-lavasa

Sat Aug 23 11:21:04 IST 2025

THE ELECTION COMMISSION of India is meant to stand above politics, but today it increasingly finds itself in the middle of it. Instead of being seen as the neutral referee of democracy, it is seen arguing with political parties, demanding affidavits, issuing stern rebuttals and defending itself in the courts. That is not a reassuring picture for an institution whose strength rests on credibility, not confrontation. It should not appear to be battered by some and defended by one.

The latest flashpoint is the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. The exercise was announced suddenly, apparently without consultation, and with procedural changes that shifted the burden of proving citizenship onto voters, who earlier only had to give an undertaking that they were citizens. For decades, voter roll revisions were inclusive by design. They ensured that eligible citizens were enrolled with minimum friction. By altering that equation abruptly and without explanation, the EC invited suspicion from unprepared citizens who were instead focusing on the impending assembly polls.

Political parties and civil society organisations, blindsided by the scale of the exercise, went to court. Ordinary voters grew anxious that their names might disappear. This was avoidable. In the past, the EC functioned through consultation. Political parties, however fractious, were treated as stakeholders, not adversaries. They were taken into confidence when procedures changed. Dialogue was constant, disagreements were resolved on the ground, and explanations were offered either through engagement or through the media before confusion spread. Even when allegations about electronic voting machines or electoral rolls arose, the EC dispatched teams, clarified doubts and addressed grievances. That habit of bridge-building is what kept faith in the institution alive.

Today, the tone and approach appear different. By choosing to hit back at political leaders with combative language, the EC risks sounding both defensive and offensive. Demanding that opposition leaders apologise or provide affidavits for their statements might appear an assertion of confidence. In reality, it makes the EC vulnerable. A constitutional body cannot shield itself with rhetoric. If discrepancies are pointed out, the only dignified response is to investigate, explain with facts and take corrective measures where necessary. That is the only way to remove doubts in the minds of citizens who look upon the EC to provide credible answers. Transparency, not confrontation, is the currency of credibility.

The issue of large-scale deletions in a state like Bihar illustrates the problem. Roll “purification” is essential to maintain accuracy, but when lakhs of names vanish, the fear of disenfranchisement is real. Article 326 of the Constitution gives citizens the right to vote. Once enrolled, citizenship was presumed unless questioned in keeping with the law and established procedures. Yet, for electors enrolled after 2003, changes have added new categories of documentary requirements, making the process burdensome. Why should it be necessary for citizens, once accepted as voters after following due process, to continually prove eligibility for their constitutional right? Accuracy of rolls is vital, but so are fairness and accessibility.

Unfortunately, what could have been an exercise in inclusiveness has turned into a source of mistrust. Political parties and civil society see opacity where there should have been openness. If the EC had laid out benchmarks, invited objections at the draft roll stage, provided enough time for aggrieved electors to seek redressal, involved stakeholders actively and timed the exercise without linking it to an imminent election, suspicion would not have escalated. Instead, a unilateral rollout has given rise to petitions in the Supreme Court, putting the institution itself on trial.

The EC must ask itself: does aggressive rebuttal strengthen or weaken its institutional dignity? It has historically been like a compassionate parent in Indian democracy. When children misbehave, the parent sets boundaries with firmness, generally avoiding angry outbursts. Aggressive postures risk diminishing the aura of impartiality.

Rebuilding credibility requires a return to fundamentals. First, procedural reform: predetermined benchmarks for deletions and additions, transparent draft rolls and active involvement of citizens and political parties. Second, statutory clarity: safeguards against arbitrary deletions or burdensome documentation requirements. Third, cultural renewal: a revival of the EC’s tradition of consultation, patience and openness.

There are precedents to draw upon. When allegations about Model Code of Conduct violations grew in 2018, the cVIGIL app was introduced to empower citizens to report violations in real time. That approach, using people as partners rather than adversaries, is the way forward. The same philosophy must guide voter roll revisions: the EC must lean on citizens and parties for feedback rather than treating them as combatants.

Every democracy has noisy political actors who accuse institutions of bias. The test of resilience is not in silencing critics but in how criticism is handled. Engage when allegations are made. Explain with data. Ignore the sound and fury of politics, but never ignore genuine discrepancies. The EC does not need to fight for credibility. It only needs to earn it, day after day, through openness.

The EC must choose whether it wants to be seen as an impartial referee trusted by all, or risk being perceived as an impatient institution indulging in political gamesmanship. Its choices will shape popular perception and its institutional future, which is inseparably linked to the faith millions of Indians have in the EC as a trustworthy guardian of their vote.

Lavasa is former election commissioner of India.

As told to Kanu Sarda.

how-rahul-gandhis-promise-has-given-hope-to-children-of-poonch-victims

Sat Aug 16 18:51:00 IST 2025

Ten kilometres from Poonch town lies the hillside village of Chakthru, where small clusters of houses cling to the slopes—a pattern shaped by the region’s mountainous terrain and scarcity of flat land. Among them is a house with a vintage design, a well-kept lawn and fruit trees. Inside, Rameez Khan sits quietly. Silence surrounds the house, which once echoed with the laughter of his 12-year-old twins—Urwa Fatima and Zain Ali. The siblings were killed on May 7 when a shell fired from across the Line of Control exploded at their rented accommodation in Mandi. The family had moved there to ensure better education for the children at Christ School. “The daily travel from our village to the school was exhausting,” recalls Khan. “So, we moved to Mandi.” The twins now lie buried in the backyard of their Chakthru home.

Khan was grievously injured in the shelling, as shrapnel tore through his hand and arm. Some splinters remain lodged on his back. His wife, Urusa, a school teacher, attended to her injured husband while silently grieving the death of their children. At the hospital, when Khan would ask about the twins, she would lie to him, saying they were recovering.

“The killing of Urwa and Zain plunged Poonch into grief,” says Zulfikar Ahmed, a Youth Congress leader. “The incident left everyone shaken.” Poonch, surrounded by Pakistan from three sides, witnessed one of the heaviest shelling in decades, leaving the town empty, says Ahmed. The shelling began after India launched Operation Sindoor in response to the Pahalgam terror attack. Although 15 people were killed and scores injured, the killing of Urwa and Zain left all of Jammu and Kashmir in mourning. The tragedy moved many, including Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.

During his visit to Poonch on June 24, Gandhi met families affected by Pakistani shelling and stopped by Christ School. That is when he announced educational support for children who had lost parents in the shelling.

“Rahul Gandhi was moved by the tragedy of the families who had lost their breadwinner, so he decided to do something for them,” said Poonch native Shahnawaz Choudhary, secretary of the All India Congress Committee. “He had asked for a list of children who needed help to continue their education.”

On July 30, the Youth Congress announced that Gandhi had “adopted” 30 children from Poonch and provided each of them Rs40,000 in initial instalment to support their schooling up to class 12.

Among the recipients were Gursharnagat Kour, a class two student, and her elder brother, Amanpreet Singh, a class eight student. Their father Amarjit Singh, a retired soldier, was killed when a shell struck their home near the District Hospital in Pooch.

“I miss papa very much. He cared a lot for me,” says Gursharnagat. “I want to study hard and make my father proud.”

Their mother Harpreet Kour says the government had provided her with a job, as it did for the next of kin of all those killed in Pakistan’s shelling. “The children still talk about their father,” she says. “He had just returned from the gurdwara that morning when a shell exploded in the lobby. Though badly injured, he rushed to the hospital. But the shrapnel had damaged his lungs, and he died because of internal bleeding.”

At Sunday Gate, just a kilometre and a half from the District Hospital, Manatveer Singh and his two sisters Japneet Kour and Ashpreet Kour are still coming to terms with the trauma of losing their father Amrik Singh. He was killed while trying to move his family to safety in a basement during the shelling. Singh ran a small grocery shop just outside their home.

After the tragedy, his children led a campaign urging the government to declare all civilians killed during Operation Sindoor as martyrs. On Vijay Diwas, the Army honoured their demand by building a memorial in Poonch.

“We are happy that our father’s name is inscribed on the memorial,” says Japneet, a class 11 student. Manatveer is grateful for the financial support provided by Gandhi for children like him. “I haven’t yet decided which stream I will choose, but my sister Japneet wants to become a doctor,” he says.

Their neighbour Ranjit Singh was also killed in the same shelling. Since he was unmarried, his brother Balveer Singh was given a government job to support their elderly parents.

In Sokha Katha near the Police Lines in Poonch, Afreen, 19, is determined to change her family’s fate through education. Her father Mohammad Akram, the family’s sole breadwinner, was killed when a shell struck just as he stepped out of the house to use the washroom. His sudden death shattered the family, including his wife Fareeda Bi and their six children—four daughters and two sons. One of Afreen’s younger sisters was also injured.

But Afreen has not allowed grief to derail her ambition. A college student with aspirations of getting a master’s degree, she has become a source of strength to her younger siblings. “Rahul Gandhi’s help has come at a time we needed it most,” she says. Each of her five siblings received support, ensuring their education was not interrupted. “This support is not just about money, but hope,” says Afreen. “Now my younger brothers and sisters feel that they, too, can continue studying and dream big, even after everything we have been through.” Her father wanted them to be educated, she recalls. “That dream lives on. I want all of us to succeed,” she says. “That’s how we will keep our father’s memory alive.”

Fareeda Bi finds courage in her daughter’s resilience. Speaking softly, she says she was grateful to Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha for sanctioning her a job. “My appointment is pending police verification,” she says. “Everything has changed since my husband left us. My children are my only hope.”

Haroon, just nine, has gone quiet after losing his father Muhammad Iqbal in the shelling. His father was a teacher at Zia-ul-Uloom, a seminary in Poonch that provides free education and Islamic studies to more than 3,000 students, including girls. A shell exploded on campus, and he was critically injured. He was rushed to the hospital, but succumbed to his injuries. Four students were also injured in the incident, but they slowly recovered.

Iqbal was mistakenly labelled a terrorist commander killed in Operation Sindoor by some national news channels in New Delhi, which triggered outrage in Poonch. The police refuted the news channels’ claims, calling him a respected citizen. An FIR was lodged against the channel for false reporting on court orders.

Haroon, the youngest of Iqbal’s eight children from two wives, is now a student at the same seminary. “I want to follow in my father’s footsteps,” he says.

Scarred by the conflict, children in Poonch are slowly reclaiming their future with the support of the government and Gandhi’s benevolence.

sustainable-maharashtra-tourism-travel-interview-atul-patne

Fri Aug 08 17:56:34 IST 2025

Interview/ Atul Patne, Principal secretary, tourism, Maharashtra

Maharashtra’s tourism potential is vast—ranging from beaches and heritage sites to wildlife reserves. In an interview, the state’s Principal secretary, tourism, Atul Patne, explains what makes his state a unique travel destination. Excerpts from an interview:

What is your strategy to position your state as a year-round destination?

Maharashtra is already a year-round destination. From beaches, heritage sites, and wildlife reserves to mountains, food, festivals, spirituality and adventure, Maharashtra truly has something for every traveller, every time of the year.

Unlike many northern states, Maharashtra enjoys a moderate climate. The monsoon season sees a significant influx of domestic tourists. From October to March, we witness strong international footfall. Even during the peak summer months of April and May, our beaches and coastal destinations remain popular.

How do you plan to promote lesser-known destinations like Lonar and Amboli?

Destinations like Lonar and Amboli are already gaining popularity, particularly among young travellers and special interest groups such as nature clubs, bird-watchers, photographers, cyclists, bikers, and road trip enthusiasts—largely thanks to social media. A special tourism circuit is being developed connecting Nashik, Nagpur, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, and Lonar, supported by enhanced rail and road connectivity.

How is Maharashtra aligning its tourism development goals with sustainability and environmental protection, especially in ecologically sensitive areas?

This is a topic very close to my heart. We are promoting responsible and sustainable tourism through policies that encourage homestays, bed-and-breakfast accommodations, and small hospitality ventures—especially those led by women under the AAI scheme.

Do you have plans to revamp branding and marketing outreach?

We have significantly stepped up our marketing efforts, focusing on young, adventure-seeking audiences. Our campaigns showcase Maharashtra’s rich history, forts, coastline, Sahyadris, spiritual sites and vibrant cuisine. Innovative initiatives include inviting global food experts to promote our cuisine and organising a walkathon during the centuries-old Pandharpur Wari pilgrimage. For business tourism, we have established the Maharashtra Convention Bureau to attract MICE events.

What role does rural and agro-tourism play in your vision for inclusive tourism development?

It is central to our sustainable tourism policy. Through the AAI scheme, we are enabling villages to become tourism hubs. A successful model has already been implemented in Chinchani near Solapur. These initiatives generate local employment, preserve rural traditions, and reduce migration of young people to cities.

Could you talk about upcoming infrastructure projects that aim to boost tourism?

Our tourism policies include incentives for large-scale projects like aquariums, island development, and theme parks. We are actively encouraging public-private partnerships under the Viksit Maharashtra 2047 vision. NRIs are also being invited to invest in their ancestral towns to aid local development and tourism infrastructure.

Are there dedicated efforts to revive heritage tourism with guided storytelling, digital experiences, or festivals?

Forts are the pride of Maharashtra, and we are working closely with the ASI to take over select sites for development. Plans include experience centres, museums, immersive AI domes, and festivals that celebrate our forts, food and cultural heritage.

What are you doing to improve tourist experience, especially in popular but crowded spots like Lonavala or Shirdi?

We are focusing on behavioural change through clear signages, awareness campaigns and messaging to encourage responsible travel. Fines and regulations are being strengthened. At the same time, we are working on deploying a tourism security force and are conducting safety audits—especially for adventure operators. We want to bring about the change in the mindset of the crowd and that is a daunting task, but we will get there.

Ultimately, both tourists and authorities must share the responsibility to maintain these destinations. As for safety, we are setting SOPs for adventure tour operators, ensuring safety audits, deploying tourist police. These are some of the plans in the pipeline.

What is your vision for Maharashtra in the next five years?

Our goal is to make Maharashtra the number one tourism destination in India. We aim to do this through a model that is sustainable, inclusive, humanitarian and community-driven.

kerala-nuns-arrest-chhattisgarh-conversion-trafficking-controversy

Sat Aug 02 17:36:52 IST 2025

Before she became a nun, Sr Vandana Francis was known as Mercy. Her brother Cherian Mathew said the name mirrored her very being since childhood. “She was always instinctively drawn to the suffering of others, and it was this deep-rooted empathy that led her to a life of mission—serving the poor and those in pain in distant lands,” he said.

Sr Preethi Mary’s story is not very different. “There was a convent and a small clinic run by nuns near our home,” recalled her brother Baiju M.V. Maliyekkal. “As a child, she would go to church with them and grew up seeing them.”

Today, the two men are waiting for their sisters to be released from the Central Jail in Durg, Chhattisgarh—an incarceration they call unprecedented and illegal.

Vandana and Preethi, both in their 50s, were arrested at Durg Railway Station on July 25. They serve the Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate (ASMI), a congregation under the Syro-Malabar Church based in Cherthala, Kerala. Three young tribal women from Narayanpur district in Chhattisgarh were with the nuns when they were arrested along with a Sukhman Mandavi. The arrests followed a complaint by the Bajrang Dal, alleging human trafficking and forced religious conversion. The situation escalated after a railway ticket examiner questioned the group, and one woman—allegedly under pressure—stated that she was being taken without consent, though her family later denied this.

Lok Sabha member N.K. Premachandran, who visited the nuns in jail on July 29, told THE WEEK that the nuns faced a terrible ordeal, including mob violence at the railway station and the police station. “Bajrang Dal fanatics told them, ‘Keep your mouth shut like a mute owl,’” said Premachandran. The nuns were taking the women for domestic help jobs in convents with the permission of their families, he said. “After joining a convent, they could study further—many girls have done courses like auxiliary nurse midwifery and have built lives for themselves,” he noted.

Sr Isabel Francis, mother superior of ASMI, corroborated this, saying her nuns were trying to create opportunities for skill training for the three women and to uplift their families. The congregation focuses heavily on running service institutions for the sick and underprivileged, and Vandana is a trained pharmacist, while Preethi is a trained nurse. Both had previously worked in the Narayanpur region, where ASMI began its mission many decades ago, focusing on leprosy care. The nuns still maintain good ties with the local families.

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI)—arguably the most influential Christian organisation in the country—alleged that the parents of the young women had arrived at the police station on learning about the incident, but were “illegally prevented” from meeting their daughters. The CBCI also claimed that the nuns were arrested at the behest of “communal elements”. It also pointed out that the initial police charges were limited to human trafficking and that the charge under Section 4 of the Chhattisgarh Freedom of Religion Act, 1968—which pertains to the prohibition of forcible conversion—was added later to the FIR. In their bail application, the nuns said that the three women were already Christians, so there was no question of conversion.

The arrests have ignited a political storm in Kerala, placing both the BJP’s state leadership as well as the leadership of prominent church denominations in the state under fire. Over the past decade, the BJP has steadily courted Kerala’s Christian communities, particularly the influential Syrian Christian denominations that comprise nearly 70 per cent of the state’s Christian population and hold significant social, economic and institutional influence. The BJP had realised that, because of Kerala’s unique demography, its long-cherished dream of gaining power in the state would require support from at least one minority group along with partial consolidation of Hindu votes.

The BJP’s central leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, engaged in high-profile outreach to bishops of various denominations and sought to tap into perceived insecurities and socioeconomic competition within minority communities. These efforts yielded some success, most notably in Thrissur, where Christian voters helped elect the BJP’s first MP from the state—Suresh Gopi.

Now, with two nuns from the Syrian Christian community jailed in a BJP-ruled state, the party’s ambitious plans in Kerala have taken a hit, especially with the local body polls and the 2026 Assembly elections around the corner. That apparently prompted the Kerala BJP leadership to quickly shift to damage control mode and send a delegation to Chhattisgarh, led by general secretary Anoop Antony Joseph.

In Chhattisgarh, Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai had reiterated Bajrang Dal’s allegations of the nuns’ involvement in illegal religious conversion and trafficking and said the “law will take its course”. Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister Vijay Sharma had said that the FIR was registered on “sufficient grounds” and evidence. This aligns with the BJP’s broader agenda in Chhattisgarh, which has seen increased focus on anti-conversion measures. The state is in the “final stages of drafting a new anti-conversion law”, which Sharma said would “bring greater clarity to the process of religious conversions and is intended to be very effective for Chhattisgarh”.

Kerala BJP president Rajeev Chandrasekhar, however, categorically declared that the nuns were innocent and that the BJP would make all efforts to release them from jail. He also took care to differentiate the BJP from the Bajrang Dal, stating that the latter is an “independent organisation” and that the BJP would “strongly condemn the unjustified act by anyone”.

Nevertheless, Bajrang Dal activists continued their demonstrations outside the Durg sessions court where the bail application was submitted. The court, however, refused to take up the bail plea. Instead, it directed the petitioners to approach the NIA special court in Bilaspur, as the nuns had been charged under Section 143 of the BNSS that pertains to human trafficking. Anoop Antony Joseph, who met both Sai and Sharma, claimed the prosecution did not oppose the bail application, but the court cited a directive from the Chhattisgarh High Court requiring such cases to be heard by the NIA court.

“The state government has not asked for the case to be handed over to the NIA. But in cases like this, there is a possibility that the NIA may take over the investigation in the future,” claimed Anoop Antony. “That could be why the court observed that the bail should be sought from the NIA court. It was merely an observation.” However, the prosecution did oppose the bail and argued that the case was beyond the jurisdiction of the sessions court.

Even as the CBCI and the Kerala Catholic Bishops’ Council (KCBC) demanded the release of the nuns, with various church organisations holding protests on ground, their leadership has faced criticism from political parties like the CPI(M) and sections of the Christian community for not speaking out strongly or explicitly against the BJP. CBCI president Mar Andrews Thazhath, archbishop of the Syro-Malabar archdiocese of Thrissur, said the church was “not against anybody”, adding that assistance had been sought from all quarters, including the BJP, for the release of nuns.

KCBC president Moran Mar Baselios Cardinal Cleemis Catholicos said, rather cryptically, “Those who profess love but do not show it in action naturally create doubt in people’s minds.” On July 30, he issued a stronger statement: “If justice is denied, then what kind of friendship are we talking about? Let the nuns get justice first; we can sit down for tea later.”

When asked whether the KCBC had a stronger message for the BJP, spokesperson Fr Thomas Tharayil said, “Unfortunately, the issue has been politicised. We have no interest in doing that ourselves.” Chhattisgarh chief minister Sai, too, had said that the matter was unfortunately given a political colour and that all religions and communities lived in harmony in his state.

Premachandran, who is from the Revolutionary Socialist Party which is a Congress ally in Kerala, told THE WEEK that it was an issue that must be politicised. “How can we not politicise it? Because these attacks on minorities—especially Christians—have increased since the BJP came to power in states like Chhattisgarh. The BJP’s politics is the reason for these attacks,” said Premachandran, who joined the delegation of Congrees legislators from Kerala to Chhattisgarh. The left, too, had sent a delegation. Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan also wrote to Modi, seeking his intervention.

Fr Augustine Vattoly, a Syro-Malabar priest and social activist from the Ernakulam-Angamaly diocese, has been arguing for a stronger response from the bishops on attacks against not only Christians but also minorities and marginalised sections. “We have seen violence in Manipur, against dalits, adivasis, Muslims… We have seen actions with an intent to exclude minorities from the national fold. Yet, many church leaders—especially Catholic bishops—have remained silent,” he said. “If we see protests only when Syrian Christian nuns are targeted, that selective outrage is unacceptable.” He noted that within the Catholic fold in Kerala, the Latin Catholic denomination—influential in the coastal belt of the state—had taken a more critical stance.

Fr Laurence Culas of the Thiruvananthapuram archdiocese of the Latin Catholics told THE WEEK that the church had faced punitive measures for its stance. A former KCBC joint secretary, he alleged that it was after his archdiocese backed fisher folk’s protests against the Adani port in Vizhinjam that the Union government cancelled the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act licence of the archdiocese’s social service organisation. “Around 30 projects, ranging from housing, rehabilitation, education to helping children with Down syndrome, came to a standstill. More than 30 per cent of the project beneficiaries were non-Christians,” he said. “Still, we did not back down. We continued the struggle.”

He said the BJP approached them with offers during the general elections last year. “But we have made it clear that we will not compromise with a system that forces us into such undignified bargains,” he said. “Not every Christian denomination or diocese has, unfortunately, shown the same courage.”

—With Vijayan M. Eadezhath in Raipur

caste-discrimination-child-care-gujarat-anganwadi-failures

Sat Jul 26 12:42:50 IST 2025

PATAN & SABARKANTHA, GUJARAT

On a weekday afternoon, the anganwadi centre in Rozu village in Gujarat’s Patan district is locked. A recent downpour has left the path slushy, and a large pool of stagnant water hugs the edge of the compound. Perched casually on the boundary walls are a group of men smoking bidi, playing cards and chatting. Not a child is in sight.

The structure looks like it is on the verge of collapse. Its roof is covered with tarpaulin sheets, the walls cracked and leaking, and right next to it lies a ruined structure that once functioned as the government’s original anganwadi.

Moments later, Shilpaben Solanki, an anganwadi helper (AWH), and her senior Manjulaben Gauswami, an anganwadi worker (AWW), arrive with keys. “There are no kids today, which is why the centre was locked,” said Solanki, who is in her 30s. Both women speak reluctantly through their sari pallu, lifting it only when coaxed. Inside is a single large room with gunny bags of grains, a dusty cupboard, a table and a water dispenser. Except for a lone plastic slide, nothing indicates that this is a space for early childhood care and learning. The cupboard has medicines, syringes, first aid and drawing books neatly stacked up, but the women say they remain unused.

Recently, children had come for immunisation, but that was an exception. “Parents don’t allow their children to stay for meals,” said Gauswami. “They collect take-home rations and vaccines, but that’s it.”

The reason? Solanki is a dalit, and caste discrimination continues to dictate who can touch whom―even in spaces meant for public service.

“Upper-caste parents refuse to let me feed or serve water to their kids. But I won’t quit,” said Solanki, quietly but firmly. “Why should I? I have done nothing wrong. I serve these children with full dedication. People’s mindset needs to change. But nobody objects. Even the sarpanch says I can’t do anything.” Her husband, holding their six-month-old son (they have a seven-year-old daughter as well), nodded in support. “We won’t bow to pressure. She is doing her job,” he said.

While an AWW earns Rs10,000 a month, an AWH makes Rs5,500. Solanki has studied till class eight, and Gauswami till class 10. “I can understand a little bit of English,” said Solanki. “There is so much we can offer these kids, but that is only possible if they stay. They hardly come.”

The two women told THE WEEK that there are 80 children below six years of age and 20 aged between three and six in their area. However, only a fraction turns up most days. THE WEEK accessed the attendance register and found that only eight to 13 children had visited the anganwadi in five days.

When THE WEEK visited upper-caste households in Rozu, several acknowledged that their children were skipping anganwadi and instead accompanying parents to the fields or simply staying home. Ranabhai Koli, a retired government employee, agreed that anganwadis were important but avoided explaining why his grandchildren, all under six, had stopped attending since last year, which was when Solanki joined as an AWH. His wife, Gallolben, however, said, “One child vomited after eating there, so we stopped sending them.” Solanki retorted, “That’s just an excuse. They won’t let me touch the food their children eat.”

Gauswami admitted that caste discrimination was an issue and that she had tried raising it with the supervisor, but no action was taken. When THE WEEK approached child development project officer (CDPO) Subhashree Sahu of Varahi, she said, “It is only now that we are learning about this. Nobody, including the supervisor or the anganwadi workers, told us about this. It is serious and we will hold a meeting at the earliest to look into this issue.”

In April 2024, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) came out with its report on Gujarat’s Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) programme―the Union government’s flagship scheme providing nutritional meals, preschool education, primary health care, immunisation, health checkups and referrals to children below six years and pregnant and lactating mothers and adolescent girls aged 11 to 18 years. The report exposed severe failures in coverage, infrastructure and delivery. The report stated that as per the 2011 Census, 77.77 lakh children below six years should have been enrolled between 2015 and 2023, but only 40.34 lakh were enrolled. Moreover, the audit reported a shortage of 16,045 anganwadi centres (AWCs) in the state. Of the total 53,029 anganwadi centres, 8,452 were operating from crumbling buildings; 1,299 had no toilets; and 1,032 lacked drinking water facilities. Also, 33.96 per cent of AWHs and 29.3 per cent of AWWs had not received refresher training.

In the tribal hamlet of Golwada in Sabarkantha district, the AWC is a 10ftx12ft room. “We cannot accommodate more than 20 children,” said Surekha Begadiya, a volunteer. “There is no toilet, no space to move, and no outdoor play area.” There are more than 80 eligible children in the area, but there is no capacity―and no plans for expansion. “We hold our pee all day, and avoid drinking water,” added Begadia. “None of the centres in our block has toilets.” Growth charts and weighing machines lie unused in a dusty cupboard. “Children defecate in the open,” said Begadiya. “What else can we do?”

In these tribal belts, safety is another barrier. A busy highway separates the hamlets from the anganwadi. Frequent accidents involving children and even deaths have been a deterrent for parents. “Just in the last three months, two children have died in road accidents,” said Nagesh Chauhan of Janpath Trust, which works to provide supplementary nutrition to children who remain outside of anganwadi centres.

In the Das area in Golwada―home to the Bhil tribe―entire households have been left out of the ICDS net. One such home belongs to Geetaben Parmar and her widowed daughter-in-law Meeraben. Meeraben’s three children, all under six, have never been enrolled in an anganwadi. “No anganwadi worker has ever come here,” says Geetaben. “Our children are invisible. During vaccinations, they somehow reach us. But for daily food and care, nobody comes.”

Janpath volunteers tried setting up a community kitchen once, but the women volunteers were harassed by drunk men from the area. Since then, no one volunteers any more, rued Chauhan.

Movetpura village’s anganwadi kendra 1 opens just once a month for immunisations. Passersby confirmed this was routine. THE WEEK, on its visit, found the anganwadi shut. The situation was a tad better in the village’s anganwadi kendra 2, where a number of children, with steel bowls in hand, gathered for the afternoon meal. After a wait of about 15 minutes, dry moong dal arrived in a kadhai (cooking pot), and within five minutes it was served to around 18 children, all under six. They had all come by themselves, dressed in tatters, unmindful of bath, brush or footwear. The AWW was the only one managing the centre, assisted by a Janpath volunteer.

In Kharaniya village in Sabarkantha district, the AWC was demolished two years ago, to build a school. It now operates out of the house of the AWW’s brother-in-law. On the day THE WEEK visited, around 15 barefoot tribal children gathered with steel bowls, waiting for their first meal―around noon. Krisha Prajapati, a nurse volunteering there, said, “Because you are here, they are serving khichdi and buttermilk. On most days, it is just one dry item.” A tarpaulin sheet on a hillock serves as classroom, kitchen and dining area. There is no water dispenser here, and no handwashing station either. Nobody even mentions a toilet because that is a luxury here, said Prajapati. The AWW was away, attending a meeting after a colleague from a nearby village died by suicide. “Nobody will raise their voice,” said Prajapati. “I will get an earful just for talking to you.” (And, she did later, from Arunaben Dabhi, the AWW.) Mediben, the AWH, added cautiously, “There is no training. I just cook. What else do the kids want but food?”

Further uphill live Righa and Alkesh Parghi, an educated couple expecting their first child. “Pregnant women are supposed to get meals, checkups, dry fruits. But I got just one packet of powder,” said Righa. Added Alkesh, “Arunaben lets her husband control everything. Because we are from a lower caste, they treat us like dirt.” Complaining isn’t an option. “The sarpanch is her brother-in-law. It is all in the family,” said Alkesh.

Dabhi, however, refuted the allegations, saying, “If I tell a pregnant lady to come to the anganwadi for food at 12pm, she would say she has work in the fields and is not sitting idle for her to just come over. I provide packaged food as and when we get them. Sometimes, there is a delay of 60 to 90 days. At such times, what can we do? We try to prepare meals twice every day for kids. Villagers are lying when they say that food is prepared only once. We are not respected in the village. Villagers think we are corrupt and that is why there is no motivation to do good work.” She added that the makeshift anganwadi was dilapidated and had leakage issues, which is why she moved the children to her brother-in-law’s house.

Supervisor Sumitraben, who oversees five to six AWCs in the area, said she was unaware of the issues plaguing the anganwadi in Kharaniya. “We mandate two hot meals daily and regular checkups. I will look into the discrepancies,” she said.

Kharaniya anganwadi exists on paper, not on ground. Its construction, despite budgetary approval, is yet to begin. “It is underway,” said CDPO Jalpaben Pandya. “New designs are being proposed. That is why it is delayed. Things don’t happen so fast. We will make sure it is constructed in due course of time.”

In Rajusara village in Patan district, the anganwadi runs from a dilapidated room inside the AWW’s house. There is no electricity, water, utensils or toys. Sheikh, a patriarch of a large household, dismisses the centre. “They want to vaccinate children and make them sick. That’s why we don’t send our kids there.” Nearby, his daughter-in-law Shehnaz stood holding her infant. “I want my kids vaccinated,” she whispered. “But we have no voice.”

Only 10 out of 100 children in the area attend this anganwadi. “There is no learning,” said the AWW. “Only a meal, when possible.” All the AWHs THE WEEK spoke to said that they were overworked, underpaid and never appreciated. “At times, we are forced to skip meals, too, because rations don’t come on time, and when they do, they simply get over, without any accountability,” said an AWH.

When THE WEEK contacted Ranjit Singh, director of ICDS, Gujarat, he refused to comment.

Activists flagged the lack of transparency, saying the government is not open to sharing data. “We asked them for a list of beneficiaries under the ICDS system, but nothing came,” said RTI activist Santosh Singh Rathod. He then filed a complaint with the Grievance Redressal Cell of the state’s women and child development department. “As per the Transparency and Accountability Act, all records related to the targeted public distribution system have to be placed in public domain and kept open for inspection to the public. But the government refuses to do so.”

On ground, discrimination, neglect, and indifference persist―unchecked unless someone complains, unrecorded unless someone notices and unresolved even when someone does.

other-states-benefit-from-himachals-water-we-get-little-in-return-cm-sukhvinder-singh-sukku

Fri Jul 18 19:22:56 IST 2025

Interview/ Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu, chief minister, Himachal Pradesh

The monsoon brings life to Himachal Pradesh, but in recent years it has also brought devastation. In 2023, the state lost more than 550 people to floods and landslides triggered by intense rain. This month, cloudbursts in Mandi and neighbouring areas killed 74 and left at least 34 missing. Hundreds of homes have been swept away, fields have been flattened and roads have vanished. And it is just the beginning of monsoon.

Like in 2023, when Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu was just a few months into his tenure, he was quick to be among the people. He trekked to some of the most remote and devastated villages—some of them inhabited by just two dozen families—and distributed rations and ensured further help.

From the floods in 2023 to his party MLAs revolting against him in 2024 to an economic crisis the same year and then the recent cloudbursts, the two and a half years of his term have been eventful. Sukhu’s story has also been of a party worker rising to the top.

As he enters the second half of his tenure, Sukhu faces a triple challenge: rebuilding Himachal, fighting for its rightful dues and convincing the nation that climate change isn’t a debate any more.

In an exclusive interview with THE WEEK, Sukhu reflects on what has changed since the 2023 floods, why cloudbursts are becoming more frequent and dangerous, and why the Centre must stop treating Himachal as merely a resource-provider. Excerpts:

Q/ What has been the damage so far this year?

A/ Till now, the damage is estimated to be over Rs800 crore. But more than the financial loss, the real issue is the growing impact of climate change. We witnessed a lot more cloudbursts in the Mandi region, which led to huge losses.

Q/ You have lived in Himachal all your life. How different is this from past rains?

A/ Since my childhood, we have seen monsoons but never such heavy rains or cloudbursts. You can’t imagine the kind of rocks that slide now—some are bigger than two-room houses. They come down like water bombs. The sheer force and flow of water is unimaginable.

Q/ What has been the learning since the 2023 floods?

A/ Landslides are natural in mountainous areas, especially after slope-cutting. In 2023, many landslides happened. But this time, it was the cloudbursts that caused the most destruction. A small rivulet just 20m wide turned into a 200m river. People have lost up to an acre. Many don’t want to rebuild homes there.

The biggest challenge is land. As much as 67 per cent of our state is forest land. We need permission from the Centre to use some forest land to resettle displaced people. A 1950 notification prevents this.

Q/ What has been the reason for this destruction?

A/ Climate change.

Q/ Are unregulated urbanisation and infrastructure development also to blame?

A/ No. Development does play a role, but this is primarily climate change. Regions that never saw this kind of rain are seeing floods now. We need a scientific study to understand these changes, and I will ask the Centre to involve prestigious institutions along with our state experts.

Q/ What support has the Centre provided since last time?

A/ Since 2023-24, we have spent Rs4,500 crore on relief. Under the PM Awas Yojana, the Centre gives only Rs1.5 lakh for house construction, of which Rs20,000 is paid by the state. We spent Rs7 lakh for every house built after those floods. We gave Rs50,000 for each animal lost, compared with the Centre’s Rs10,000. While their houses were being constructed, we also gave Rs10,000 per month as rent for displaced urban families and Rs5,000 in rural areas.

When the Centre's team surveyed the damages, they estimated the loss at Rs10,000 crore. However, we got only Rs2,000 crore with 20 to 25 conditions attached, and that too after two years. Inflation has increased the cost of rehabilitation. What is the use of getting help after two years?

Q/ How does that affect state resources?

A/ Reconstruction places immense pressure on state finances. Our natural resources, particularly water, are heavily used by Central public sector undertakings. Water flows from Himachal to other states, but the revenue generated from it is earned by the Centre. States like Punjab and Haryana benefit from our water, yet we receive very little in return. We proposed a water cess, but it was stayed by the courts. As a small hill state, our rights are often overlooked.

Q/ But can such a cess be levied?

A/ In other states, thermal power projects can be levied mining cess on raw materials. Our raw material is water—it powers hydroelectricity. But the cost of this water isn’t factored in. When we try to raise revenue, Central agencies like NHPC, NTPC and SJVN approach the courts and get stays. Their projects remain lucrative, while we get only a 12 per cent royalty, which is ultimately borne by the consumers.

We’re now fighting for our rightful share in court. All the rivers originate here. We protect the rivers, the forests and suffer the brunt of natural calamities. When Bhakra Beas Management Board was created, it was the people of Himachal who were displaced. But the benefits of the electricity went to Punjab, Haryana and the Central government.... At the very least, the states providing the raw material should have a 50 per cent claim on the revenue.

We are only asking for what is due to us. Hill states like ours will never become industrial hubs; the cost of infrastructure is too high. Hydropower is our only real industry. People now understand: we bear the losses, provide the resources and are expected to face the disasters alone, with little support.

Q/ How are state finances faring?

A/ State finances are dependent on water. If we get our rightful share from water, we won’t need any help from others. We gave out Rs4,500 crore in relief, which we have not been able to recover. We have not been able to construct our own big airport as we don’t have resources. SJVN is earning bigger profits based on our resources. Our budget is merely Rs58,000 crore, but SJVN, which used our resources, has become a Rs67,000 crore company.

Q/ How has tourism been affected?

A/ Only some areas are impacted. No tourists were harmed in the floods. In 2023, we rescued 75,000 tourists during the floods. We are now promoting monsoon tourism in mid-Himalayan regions like Dharamsala, Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Kangra and Solan.

Q/ What about those who lost everything in the floods?

A/ We have raised the issue and even asked BJP MPs to convince the Centre to allow the use of forest land for resettlement. I asked the Leader of Opposition Jairam Thakur for a joint inspection; this is also his constituency. People want to stay, rebuild their villages and protect their forests. They are not deserting the state.

Q/ You have completed half your tenure. What about your remaining election promises?

A/ We faced a natural disaster (2023), political crisis (revolt by party MLAs), economic crisis (when the state found it difficult to pay salary) and now another calamity. I have walked to meet people and give them relief. But we need money. Some of our schemes have suffered. We have started giving Rs1,500 to women (as a part of the election promise) in some areas. I will do more once we get our dues.

Q/ Any message for tourists?

A/ Himachal is safe. Tourists are welcome. Even during the rains, mid-Himalayan areas offer a great experience.

bihar-poll-roll-revision-controversy-voter-list-updation-sparks-concerns

Tue Jul 22 13:04:13 IST 2025

At the heart of India’s electoral system stands the Election Commission of India. Described by the Supreme Court as a ‘sentinel on the qui vive’ (watchful guardian), it is synonymous with free and fair elections. But now it finds itself in the eye of a storm. In Bihar, where every vote is a contest of caste and conviction, an unprecedented voter roll revision has triggered allegations, anxieties and fundamental questions about the sanctity of the institution.

What was meant to be a routine clean-up of Bihar’s voter rolls has turned into a political slugfest. The Election Commission’s special drive to remove duplicate, fake or deceased names, while adding genuine voters, has sparked a firestorm of charges. The principal opposition parties in the state, the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Congress, allege that the timing and scale of the exercise are no coincidence, warning that possibly lakhs of names in opposition strongholds could be wiped off overnight. The ruling NDA insists it is business as usual, citing the Representation of the People Act and the need for accurate rolls ahead of the upcoming assembly elections.

Bihar’s heated roll revision strikes at the very promise enshrined in Article 326 of the Constitution: the guarantee of universal adult suffrage. This article affirms that every Indian citizen above 18 has the right to vote unless disqualified by law on clearly defined grounds.

Now, with the issue before the Supreme Court, petitioners are asking for a freeze or at least tight oversight of the revision. They argue that once names are removed, reinstating them is a bureaucratic nightmare. On July 10, Justices Sudhanshu Dhulia and Joymalya Bagchi questioned the Election Commission’s timing and criticised the exclusion of Aadhaar, voter ID and ration cards from the list of 11 valid documents for verification. The court stressed that these widely used IDs should be considered by the poll panel, especially in rural Bihar, where poverty and illiteracy hinder access to formal documentation.

The Election Commission defends the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) as a participative exercise, with 80 per cent of door-to-door verification completed by 77,895 Booth Level Officers (BLOs). However, petitioners argue that the current rules violate constitutional rights under Articles 14, 19, 21 and 326, and that the Election Commission lacks the authority to determine citizenship. The court has halted the publication of the draft rolls and scheduled the next hearing for July 28, directing the Election Commission to respond by July 21. The outcome could redefine electoral roll revisions across the country. If the court mandates broader document acceptance, it could ease voter access but challenge the Election Commission’s current framework.

Senior advocate and Rajya Sabha member Kapil Sibal has warned that such large-scale revisions close to elections risk undermining the spirit of Article 326. “Any exercise that deletes genuine voters just before an election strikes at the very heart of democracy. The voter list is not a tool to tilt the field but a foundation for free and fair polls,” he said. While acknowledging the need to clean up rolls, Sibal stressed that the process must be transparent and consensus-driven.

An outdated or error-ridden voter roll can distort outcomes. Under normal circumstances, the Election Commission revises rolls annually and conducts special summary revisions in states facing elections. BLOs are deployed to verify households, deaths are cross-checked with municipal records and new voters aged 18–19 are encouraged to enrol.

In Bihar, a special revision drive was launched in early 2024 ahead of the general election. But the second round, now underway, is broader in scope, targeting suspected duplicate entries and alleged migrants. Critics claim the process disproportionately affects certain castes and communities, fuelling fears of disenfranchisement.

The controversy erupted when opposition leaders, including RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav, alleged that BLOs were marking thousands of names as ‘doubtful’ without proper field checks, reportedly acting on instructions from district election officers. The RJD and the Congress argue that the drive hits hardest the poor, marginalised and minority communities who often lack formal paperwork. Many live in rented homes or follow seasonal migration cycles, making verification difficult.

The Election Commission has denied any political intent. “Identification of duplicate, dead or shifted electors is a continuous process under the Registration of Electors Rules,” it said, insisting that the process was based on a transparent methodology involving door-to-door verification, Aadhaar linkage (where voluntarily provided), cross-checks with civil records and field reports. A senior Election Commission official, speaking off the record, said: “If someone’s name is genuinely flagged as duplicate or shifted, they can file claims and objections. The final roll will include them if they meet the eligibility norms.” The Election Commission has directed district officers to ensure that BLOs do not harass or intimidate voters, and that outreach camps are being organised to help people submit documents.

Yet, the opposition remains unconvinced. One major flashpoint is the growing use of Aadhaar for deduplication. While the Election Commission maintains that linking Aadhaar with voter IDs is voluntary, local officials often demand it, despite the Supreme Court’s restrictions on Aadhaar’s use for authentication.

This is not the first time such concerns have emerged. In Telangana in 2018, lakhs of voters were reportedly removed from rolls following a flawed purge involving Aadhaar. Many discovered this only when they turned up at booths and were turned away.

Former Chief Election Commissioner O.P. Rawat told THE WEEK that the timing of Bihar’s roll revision was “far from ideal”. “This is happening too close to the elections, and naturally it creates doubts in the minds of people and political parties,” he said. Rawat explained that while summary revisions just before polls are common, intensive exercises like this should ideally be carried out a year or two in advance.

He added that the Election Commission should have first taken political parties into confidence. “Proper consultation would have cleared suspicion and put people’s doubts to rest,” he said. On the issue of valid documents, Rawat said proving citizenship was straightforward if voters could show a clear link to their parents. “Aadhaar is not proof of citizenship. It only establishes residence and date of birth,” he said, countering common misconceptions.

The Election Commission has promised a robust grievance redressal mechanism. Claims and objections can be filed until the final roll is published. But critics point out that many rural voters do not know how to file these forms or lack the resources to visit block offices repeatedly.

Over the decades, the Election Commission has won global praise for conducting massive elections with professionalism. From the electronic voting machines to the indelible ink to the model code of conduct, its innovations have bolstered Indian democracy. But in recent years, it has faced criticism for alleged bias towards the ruling establishment, including delayed action on hate speech and controversial timing of official actions.

The Bihar roll revision could shape the upcoming polls in ways that go beyond numbers. If people find their names missing at the last minute, it could spark protests and erode faith in the system—something Indian democracy can ill afford.