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sri-lankan-presidential-election-candidates-analysis

Sat Sep 14 13:15:39 IST 2024

The statue of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, the former prime minister who led Sri Lanka through several political upheavals, stands on a pedestal at the iconic Galle Face Green, the famous city park near the presidential secretariat in Colombo. It was from here that the people of Sri Lanka started the movement to overthrow the powerful Rajapaksas two years ago. Today, however, an uneasy calm prevails on the streets of Colombo as Sri Lanka gets ready to elect its next president on September 21. Despite the presence of 39 candidates―a few of them offering some fairly revolutionary policy options―the 1.7 crore voters of Sri Lanka do not appear really excited.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP) is contesting as an independent, backed by a major section of legislators from former president Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). Also in the fray are opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, leftist leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Mahinda’s son, Namal. Sajith’s Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has aligned with some of the prominent parties and has the support of the Tamil and the Muslim minorities, who form 11 per cent and 9.7 per cent of the population, respectively. Anura is a Marxist-Leninist leader from the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the main constituent of the National People’s Power (NPP) coalition.

While Ranil, Sajith and Anura are the frontrunners, Namal, the youngest in the fray, has made the contest tough for them. He is the official SLPP candidate, but his chances of winning even half of the 69 lakh votes polled by his uncle Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2019 appear remote. Other important candidates include P. Ariyanethiran, the Tamil MP from the north, Nuwan Bopage, the activist lawyer who led the Aragalaya protest movement in 2022, and former military chief Sarath Fonseka.

“The 2019 election was fought on security issues and there were only two main contenders. But this election is being fought on the merits of each candidate, with an economic crisis still looming large. This one is establishment versus anti-establishment,” said columnist and research analyst Udita Devapriya. The last election was held in the wake of the Easter bombings on April 21, 2019. Gotabaya won a decisive victory back then, while Sajith finished second.

Voters appear confused this time. In the rural areas outside Colombo, the masses look at Anura as a promising candidate, while the city elites stand by Ranil. Sajith finds support largely from the farmers, teachers, doctors and the Tamil minority. “Two of them (Sajith and Anura) have promised to abolish the executive presidency. But we want a leader who will also look into the welfare of the Tamils,” said M.A. Sumanthiran, leader of the Tamil National Alliance.

The senior-most candidate in the presidential race is 75-year-old Ranil. But the erudite intellectual lacks charisma and the backing of a strong political party. Most members of Ranil’s UNP are now with Sajith, while he finds support from a section of the SLPP. Despite his lack of connect with the voters, Ranil hopes that his efforts in managing the economic crisis will help him.

While Ranil enjoyed fairly high popularity ratings till about a few months ago, Sajith and Anura overtook him once the election was announced. Son of former president Ranasinghe Premadasa, Sajith is a soft-spoken intellectual who appears capable of balancing the complex power equations among various stakeholders, including Tamils. His election manifesto focuses on five key points: building a resilient economy, empowering every citizen, enhancing government services, protecting the quality of life and safeguarding the nation.

Sajith could play a key role in ushering in an economic revival, especially as the country needs to work closely with the International Monetary Fund. “Sri Lanka has worked with the IMF before. When Premadasa got loans from the IMF, he utilised it to establish the garment sector. But, after him, successive governments failed to expand it,” said Chameera Dedduwage, a social activist. Sajith’s manifesto promises an economic recovery by working with the IMF. “The people of Sri Lanka will have to make a choice between a new visionary approach and the same old approach which protects the rich. Our people have a choice [other than opting for] extreme socialism and Marxism, which has not proved to be a viable model in modern day governance,” said Sajith.

With some of the best minds from the Ranil and Rajapaksa camps joining him, Sajith’s strength has grown multifold. His alliance now has key leaders like Patali Champika Ranawaka, Nalaka Godahewa, Charitha Herath and G.L. Peiris. However, Sajith could be handicapped by the fact that he has not really moved away from the UNP’s policies and ideas. His critics call him an economic populist and a better version of Mahinda―a rational, forward-looking populist, who is not a racist. And most of his party members are either from the SLPP or the UNP. Political observers say his lack of ideological clarity could hurt him.

If ideology is a concern for Sajith, Anura is banking on it to see him through. With his Marxist ideology, he has turned out to be one of the most popular candidates. He is campaigning on a platform of anti-corruption and clean governance in a country that still reels under severe debt. Backed by the youth and the protesters who were part of the 2022 Aragalaya movement, Anura presents himself as a change-maker. The 55-year-old former minister contested the 2019 presidential election, but finished a distant third with just 3 per cent of the votes.

“The people have endured these governments for a long time and are exhausted by the repeated failure of governance,” said Anura. “The breakdown of law and order has left them vulnerable to underworld crime. The collapse of the economy has further victimised the population, while critical sectors like education, health and transport have deteriorated. As a result, people are desperate to break free from their victimhood and helplessness. This desire for change is what draws them to us.” Support for Anura has hit a new peak just before the election, with university students, teachers and the working class supporting him. However the JVP’s dislike of the IMF and the west could play a role in determining his fate.

The last of the four main candidates is 38-year-old Namal, who seems to be facing a losing battle. The Rajapaksas know that they are nowhere near victory. Gotabaya, who fled the country during the economic crisis, has been campaigning for his nephew in closed-door meetings. Mahinda meets with Colombo elites and SLPP veterans and also addresses rallies, seeking support for his son. Namal is playing the Sinhala Theravada nationalist card, but it may not work this time.

“Winning or losing does not matter. Namal is a real fighter. He decided to contest only because of his fighting spirit,” said Mahinda. When asked whether the party wanted to field Namal, he said it was his son’s choice. Namal hopes that his father’s charisma and legacy will get him the Sinhala votes. Unlike the other main candidates, he has not promised the devolution of powers or the abolition of the executive presidency. He is sticking to the SLPP’s core ideology of Sinhala Buddhist majoritarianism. Namal targets young voters and has promised an economic revival and more jobs. “I chose to contest because my party wanted me to do so. It is the right decision, because we believe in the Sri Lankan model of development and that our ideology should be protected. We have a historic responsibility to make sure that we represent our voter base, community and people who believe in the Sri Lankan model,” said Namal.

In the 2019 elections, Namal’s uncle Gotabaya swept major parts of the country except the Tamil dominated north and east as terrorism and national security became key issues after the Easter bombings. But Gotabaya’s inept governance and his decision to flee the country during the economic crisis discredited the Rajapaksa brand and the SLPP. Most of the SLPP MPs are now with Ranil, while the intellectuals in the party have moved to Sajith’s SJB. Namal was reportedly asked to contest to keep the party alive. Earlier, the SLPP had plans to field billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera. But when it became clear that it would lead to a massive loss and that the remaining SLPP cadres, too, would leave the party, Namal decided to step in. “Only the MPs have gone with Ranil and Sajith. But the core Sinhala and Rajapaksa vote is with Namal,” said Lasanga Karunaratne, SLPP member from Matara.

It is, however, clear that the SLPP is facing an existential crisis after a series of political missteps and Ranil’s success on his own terms in the past two years using the SLPP support base. If Namal suffers a massive loss, it could spell doom for his future and could even bring down the curtain on the Rajapaksa brand of politics.

Opinion polls and voter surveys indicate that the election result will be determined by economic issues such as cost of living, inflation, unemployment and high taxes, while corruption among politicians and bureaucrats, problems in the education sector, flawed health services and a growing drug crisis are among other key concerns. The candidate who can convince the voters about having the most effective platform to tackle inflation and ensure economic recovery stands the best chance to win on September 21. As of now, Anura and Sajith have an edge even as Ranil hopes that his track record of stabilising and running the country during the economic crisis could land him another chance at the helm.

national-peoples-power-sri-lanka-presidential-candidate-anura-kumara-dissanayake-interview

Sat Sep 14 16:31:34 IST 2024

Interview/ Anura Kumara Dissanayake, presidential candidate, National People’s Power

Q/ How important is this presidential election for Sri Lanka?

A/ It is the most important election in Sri Lanka’s history. In every election, power shifts from one ruling faction to another. Initially, these groups had distinct identities, but over the past two to three decades, they have become almost indistinguishably merged. As a result, while governments have changed since 1994, many of the same individuals continuously held ministerial positions across administrations. Some have even supported conflicting constitutional amendments over time. Thus far, elections have not led to any significant change in the governance structure.

Therefore, this election is crucial because it offers a unique opportunity to reshape the economic, social and political path of our country, steering it in a completely new direction. It brings the government closer to the people, with the promise of a brighter future. While we have proposed these goals before, this is the first time we have the power to effect meaningful change. The transfer of power will be driven by a public movement rooted in the people’s interest, breaking away from the traditional cycles of power.

Q/ Do you think the Aragalaya uprising in 2022 made the NPP popular?

A/ The struggle emerged as an outcry against the oppression faced by the people. Imagine a country where one family ruled, leading to a situation where there was no oil, gas or electricity, children were deprived of basic necessities like milk powder, and people could no longer sustain their livelihoods. The last resort was to take to the streets and oust the ruling elite. If the people themselves build a government, it is their right to rise up again, should their expectations be betrayed. Such a struggle is not only justified, but also fair.

Q/ You were also a part of it.

A/ We became part of that struggle, not as leaders or planners, but as participants. As a political movement, the NPP recognised the significant challenges in fulfilling the aspirations of that struggle. While anarchy is not a solution, and some form of constitutional authority must be maintained, the core demands of the people were not fully addressed in the resulting political framework. However, the people have entrusted us with the responsibility of carrying their hopes forward through the election. We benefit from the momentum of that uprising and the people’s desire for change.

Q/ Do you think a liberation movement can actually bring about a positive change in a country, or lead to instability?

A/ People can rise up and remove rulers from power, but what follows should not be anarchy. After the expulsion, a new government must be established to restore order. The solution is to form a democratic, constitutional government to prevent the descent into anarchy. By establishing such a government, we can ensure stability and transition away from disorder. We believe that through this approach, governance can be restored and freed from the chaos that typically follows upheaval.

Q/ The International Monetary Fund programme is being implemented in Sri Lanka, and austerity measures are coming into effect.

A/ Yes, we are currently under an IMF programme, and its implementation has caused significant hardship for the people. This is why we are seeking a new mandate from the public to renegotiate with the IMF. We believe they will respect the will of the people. Our position is that in pursuing economic goals, we must advance in a way that alleviates pressure on the public, while safeguarding the macroeconomic system. Our economy is fragile and even a minor shock could have major consequences. Therefore, we aim to make the necessary changes gradually to ensure long-term stability.

Q/ Corruption and economic democracy have been two focal points of your current campaign.

A/ Fraud, corruption and waste have been key contributors to the collapse of the economy. Many essential development projects have failed due to these practices, but at the same time, numerous unnecessary projects have been undertaken because of fraud, corruption and waste. Economic decisions are often driven by bribes received by those in power, which has been a major factor in the downfall of our economy. Furthermore, fraud and corruption have become significant barriers for investors, entrepreneurs and industrialists, as the success of a project is often determined by the amount of money a minister receives. To rebuild our country, eliminating fraud and corruption is essential.

Additionally, the erosion of economic democracy stands as a second critical issue. Fraud and corruption have severely undermined economic democracy, as investors secure projects based on bribes rather than merit. Numerous barriers have been placed in front of potential investors, with the government acting as an impediment. Our goal is to ensure fair and democratic access to the economy for all those with the capacity and potential to contribute. Achieving this is essential for our country’s economic advancement.

Q/ How do you want to engage with India? There are other countries, like China, which also have interests in Sri Lanka.

A/ Our approach to India will reflect its close proximity and significant role in geopolitics. India has made impressive strides in both economy and technology, and it is crucial to our development and regional security. We will ensure that our sea, land and airspace are not used in ways that threaten India or regional stability. Additionally, we will carefully consider how our economic measures impact our country, recognising the importance of India’s support in our development efforts.

It is well known that there is competition between India and China in our region. India, being a country in the Indian Ocean, understands the strategic significance of our region’s political and economic positions. Meanwhile, China is actively working to consolidate its economic and political influence here, and we are aware of this as well. Our approach will be to safeguard regional security while leveraging economic opportunities to our advantage. However, we are committed to maintaining our sovereignty and will not become subordinate to any power in this geopolitical race. We believe in adopting a strong foreign policy that aligns with the global conditions and serves our national interests effectively.

with-his-marxist-ideology-and-anti-corruption-rhetoric-anura-kumara-dissanayake-has-captured-the-imagination-of-sri-lankans

Sat Sep 14 16:26:57 IST 2024

It is 4pm on a Sunday evening at Homagama, a Colombo neighbourhood. Small groups of working class people walk into an open ground for an election rally. An hour later, the ground remains half empty. High decibel speakers belt out popular Sinhala numbers. By 6pm, darkness engulfs the area as rain clouds gather high up in the sky. Soon, it starts raining, but, by then, the venue is full. People unfurl their umbrellas and wait for the leader to arrive.

It is almost 8pm when a man, clad in jeans and a blue shirt, walks on to the stage. The crowd laps up every single word of his speech. Anura Kumara Dissanayake has that effect on people. Political observers say his people skills are impeccable. They point to his unique disarming style while dealing with his party colleagues, parliamentarians, ambassadors, political aides and even his detractors. And that could be one of the factors that has helped him win over a significant number of voters and emerge as a leading contender this presidential election.

Rooted in the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the 55-year-old Anura leads the National People’s Power, a coalition of leftist political parties and socialist groups. The leading party in the coalition is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, headed by Anura. With his strong anti-corruption credentials, Anura, who is the sitting MP for Colombo district, is running an energetic campaign against the two other main candidates, President Ranil Wickremesinghe and opposition leader Sajith Premadasa.

“The voters used to be carried away by emotions and petty identities such as religion, race or affiliation to a particular party. This election is going to decide whether they want the same crooks or they want to find a new path. Anura is the anti-corruption leader who wants to bring about a change,” said Anil Jayantha, executive committee member of the NPP. “This is a historic moment that will change the destiny of the Sri Lankan people.”

Born on November 24, 1968, at Thambuttegama in Anuradhapura district to a daily-wage worker and a homemaker, Anura was active in student politics during his days at the University of Peradeniya and the University of Kelaniya. He entered politics full time with the JVP’s anti-government insurrection of 1987-1989. In 1995, he became the national organiser of the Socialist Students Association and was appointed to the central working committee of the JVP. Three years later, he became a member of the party’s political bureau.

He was part of Chandrika Kumaratunga’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party government in the early 2000s as agriculture minister. In 2019, he contested the presidential election against Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Sajith Premadasa, finishing a distant third with just 3 per cent of the votes. But his prospects improved impressively in the past five years thanks to an effective grassroots campaign.

It all began in 2021, soon after the second wave of the pandemic, when Sri Lanka started facing a major economic crisis. President Gotabaya banned importing chemical fertilisers to make the agriculture sector completely organic, but it led to a dramatic fall in yields, hurting farmers. Subsequent protests gave rise to the Aragalaya movement, leading to Gotabaya’s resignation.

Anura was among the leaders who grew immensely popular because of his leadership role in the protests. Now a significant majority of the youth, university students and teachers, farmers and the working class stand by him. “I believe only Anura and the NPP can bring in change,” said Chandani Karunaratne, a student from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura. “Corruption has to go for the economy to thrive. All other contenders are from the same old guard.” Chandani and her classmates were part of the Aragalaya movement and were inspired by the JVP’s policies.

Anura has also promised to abolish the powerful executive presidency and to renegotiate the terms of the IMF economic programme. “The implementation of the IMF programme has caused significant hardship for the people. That is why we are seeking a new mandate from the public to renegotiate with the IMF,” said Anura. “In pursuing economic goals, we must advance in a way that alleviates pressure on the public…. We aim to make the necessary changes gradually to ensure long-term stability.”

While Anura and his alliance are growing increasingly popular, there are also apprehensions about them. His popularity and revolutionary ideas do not go well with the Colombo elites and the rich. In 2019, Gotabaya won because there was a fear factor about terrorism returning to the country. Though that fear has abated somewhat, the JVP’s revolutionary ideas and the insurrection it launched in the late 1980s could work against Anura. “When Aragalaya was at its peak, the houses of MPs were burnt. Many places were set on fire. Who did that? The JVP was well entrenched in Aragalaya. So that fear factor is there this time,” said a senior Sri Lankan official. Some critics worry that insurgency could return to the island under an Anura presidency.

The Marxist leader’s emergence could upset the ongoing economic reforms, too, given his dislike of the IMF. “Anura finished a distant third in the 2019 elections. The popularity he has gained now is a huge surge from the 3 per cent he got back then,” said Omar Rajarathnam, adviser to Factum, a Colombo-based think tank. “There is concern among people whether he has the experience to govern, but in democracies, the people’s mandate takes priority over the leader’s political experience.”

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Sat Sep 14 16:25:38 IST 2024

Interview/ Sajith Premadasa, presidential candidate, Samagi Jana Balawegaya

Young men and women queue up for security check outside the Samagi Jana Balawegaya office in Colombo. Lemon yellow and light green colour flags fly high everywhere, and the office appears unusually busy. The party’s presidential candidate and opposition leader Sajith Premadasa walks in, with a smile on his face and folded hands. Sajith spoke exclusively with THE WEEK, explaining the importance of the upcoming election, his promise to abolish the executive presidency and his views on ties with India. Edited excerpts:

Q/ How crucial is this election for the people of Sri Lanka? Why do you think they should vote for you?

A/ It is a pivotal moment in Sri Lanka’s history. The people will have an opportunity to express their opinion and to provide their mandate for a new approach, for a pathbreaking vision and for changing the old guard. The country has gone through a terrible human and economic tragedy. Catastrophe has engulfed the whole country, affecting children, mothers, youth, everyone. Except for the super rich, every strata of society has been affected. This election will give an opportunity for the people to make a choice against the old approach of protecting the rich and the crony capitalists. Our approach would be to serve all 22 million people of our country. The people also have a choice [of not opting for] extreme socialism and Marxism, which has not proven to be a viable model in modern governance. I am very confident that they will make the right choice.

Q/ You contested the 2019 election as well. Is there a change in the mindset of the people?

A/ In 2019, there was polarisation in society. There was a lot of ethnic and religious extremism. The election took place after the Easter terrorist attacks. And the country was not bankrupt. The administration that came to power in 2019 has bankrupted the country. So this is a post bankruptcy election, testing the people’s will. More and more people are looking for results, for solutions. They want to see the practical, honest implementation of the solutions. They do not want ethnicity-centric racism, religious polarisation and extremism. They want answers to their problems. I firmly believe that my party and my alliance provides Sri Lanka with the best set of solutions that will ensure that we come out of this disastrous situation.

Q/ You have promised to abolish the executive presidency.

A/ It is an important aspect of the policies that we have proposed. We have seen that the executive presidency tends to corrupt, to move towards the concentration of power in the hands of a single person. In a parliamentary system, one would be accountable and would listen to the people. It will be a more participatory system of governance than the authoritarian system which exists now. It is always good to have a system of checks and balances. We don’t want elected dictatorships, a phrase used by Lord Hailsham, back in the 1970s in the UK. We need to have an accountable, responsible and transparent government.

Q/ As far as Sri Lanka’s economic recovery is concerned, do you plan to continue with the IMF? How would you restructure debts?

A/ We have to work within the existing international economic order. And we will work with the IMF. There should be transformations, reforms and changes on a mass scale and a number of corrective measures are needed. The difference between the incumbent government and us is that we believe that the changes need to be done with minimum damage to the people. The present administration has dumped all the burden on the common man and woman, sparing the super rich and the crony capitalists. We need programmes that uphold social justice and equity, that promote growth, rather than contract growth. This will make the economy stronger. We want to grow ourselves. We want to ensure that economic activity and positive economic multipliers are there, so that we grow ourselves out of the problem. And we will work with the IMF. Of course, we do not want to burden the people by taxing them very high. We need to have a humane approach that protects the people and does not victimise them.

Q/ You have been a friend of India. How do you expect India to engage with you?

A/ India is a great power. We want to have a strong, productive, constructive and conducive relationship with India in multiple sectors―politics, international affairs, commerce, trade, economy―to ensure that we grow together. And we have a very scientific, professional approach to decision-making. Our relationship with India will be towards maximising our national interests. India is our closest neighbour, and a strong, powerful and vibrant country. I have always been supportive of India getting a permanent seat in the UN security council, because that would be a reflection of the global political, military and economic situation. I have a very cordial and strong relationship with India. We will make sure that it results in benefiting our motherland, and our 22 million people in a variety of ways.

Q/ How do you assess the performance of the Ranil Wickremesinghe government in the past two years?

A/ He has driven the country to a new normal, which entails forcing millions and millions into poverty, making the micro, small and medium industries go bankrupt and causing the fabric of society to crumble. Do you want stability by bringing unseen suffering on the people? We have proposed that we have to grow ourselves out of this problem. We have to extricate ourselves out of this quagmire through productive, constructive, pro-people and pro-poor growth.

aragalaya-movement-presidential-candidate-nuwan-s-bopage-interview

Sat Sep 14 16:24:29 IST 2024

Interview/ Nuwan S. Bopage, presidential candidate, Aragalaya movement

Lawyer-activist Nuwan Bopage was a pillar of support for those arrested during the 2022 Aragalaya protests. In an exclusive interview, Nuwan talks about his decision to contest the presidential election on behalf of the Aragalaya activists, his opposition to IMF policies and his views on ties with India. Edited excerpts:

Q/ Why did you decide to contest?

A/ This is the first election after the 2022 uprising when the country witnessed people’s power. In the past two years, certain reforms were introduced by the Ranil Wickremesinghe government which were detrimental to the general public. The intervention of the IMF, the activities of India and the US and the expansion of the new liberal policies are all a matter of concern. Those of us who participated in Aragalaya decided that we wanted a solution and I was nominated as presidential candidate.

Q/ What kind of changes do you think you can bring about?

A/ The economy is very unfair. Social disparity is high. A few segments of society control everything. The workers are affected. At the same time, companies have made money. We have to address the social disparity. In the prevailing representative democracy, people would not gain anything after voting. For the next five years, the elected members will act according to their whims and fancies. We are planning to convert the existing system into a participatory democracy where people are more involved in the decision-making process. When there is a political decision affecting farmers, they should be involved. Likewise, every sector of society should participate in policy decisions. Another issue is a national question. Tamil, Muslim and hill country Tamil people should be given the freedom to rule their own areas within one country.

Q/ You have been against the IMF. What are your plans for economic stability?

A/ Our main slogan is the IMF’s exit. The IMF has got nothing to do with stabilising the economy. It is an institution that grants loans. The IMF has given Sri Lanka $1.5 billion and $2 billion more is coming. But the interest rate is 6.5 per cent. Our debt crisis is deep, we have a debt of $100 billion. The IMF is here only to impose conditions on the people, get maximum taxes and give space to multinational companies. The implementation of the new liberal policy is the IMF’s idea. We don’t want that. We know how to repay our loans, how to collect taxes, how to abolish the concessions to multinational companies and how to make government institutions profitable. We are going to stabilise the fiscal and exchange policies and stabilise the economy.

Q/ You say you are against Indian intervention in Sri Lanka.

A/ We are not anti-India. We are against the Adani and the Ambani groups being allowed to control the geopolitical situation in our country. You would have witnessed the recent Ambani family wedding. Sri Lanka’s debt crisis could have been resolved with that money. Now LNG and drug supplies to Sri Lanka are going to be an Indian monopoly. We have our own state pharmaceutical department. So, in the guise of the crisis, India is trying to exploit us. We are India’s friends. But we are against Modi’s economic concept of invading other countries. Adani and Ambani are the representatives of Modi’s foreign policy. We are against that.

sri-lanka-podujana-peramuna-presidential-candidate-namal-rajapaksa-interview

Sat Sep 14 16:22:39 IST 2024

Interview/ Namal Rajapaksa, presidential candidate, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna

Clad in a white dhoti and a maroon shirt, the trademark red-brown scarf draped around his neck, Namal Rajapaksa enters the Sri Lanka Foundation building near the Independence Square in Colombo. He appears confident, despite the fact that he is fighting a losing battle in the presidential election. He has come to attend the signing of an agreement between the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to support him. After the signing ceremony, he spoke exclusively with THE WEEK, explaining the reasons behind his decision to contest, despite the loss of popular support for the SLPP. Excerpts from the interview:

Q/ Why did you decide to contest? Earlier it was said that the billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera would be your candidate.

A/ My party wanted me to contest. I believe that I made the right decision, because we believe in the Sri Lankan model of development and that our ideology should be protected. The policies of most other parties are different from ours. We had decided to field another candidate. Unfortunately, he could not continue. Then the party thought that I would be the best choice.

Q/ Didn’t you take up the challenge to keep your flock together?

A/ Yes. The party decided to field me so that I can keep our grassroot workers together. I believe the young generation should take up the responsibility when there is a crisis, not when the ship is sailing fine.

Q/ The SLPP was among the parties with a strong membership base. That seems to have been lost.

A/ At the grassroots level, we are still the strongest party. We are the only party that preaches and practises the ideology that we represent. People still have trust in us.

Q/ During the 2022 uprising, people were completely against your family.

A/ I am the new generation Rajapaksa who has learnt a hard lesson from the past. Our policies remain the same, but the approach will be modern. It doesn’t matter that things had gone wrong earlier for my family. I want to correct those mistakes and move forward.

Q/ A part of the SLPP is with Ranil Wickremesinghe and another one is with Sajith Premadasa.

A/ My party is the most stable and the strongest political party in the country at this moment. Most of these coalitions that have been created for the election will not last long. So if a young voter is looking at a long-term vision, the SLPP is the best.

Q/ What are your promises to the youth of Sri Lanka?

A/ We will transform and modernise Sri Lanka. We will protect our culture. We will always ensure that we stick to our core values, but we will modernise. I want to ensure that Sri Lanka will be the modern hub of Asia.

Q/ How do you look at the IMF bailout package?

A/ There are good things in the IMF package. We need a fiscal policy that can save the country for the next 15 to 20 years. We need to rework our budget, increase revenue and cut down expenditure. We cannot burden the public with more taxes. We will go for more investors. We will work closely with India.

Q/ How do you expect India to engage with you?

A/ We will continue to work with India. A stable and progressive Sri Lanka is good for India. We want to strengthen our cultural and economic ties with India. Sri Lanka is a Buddhist nation and Prime Minister Modi believes in Hinduism. We have a lot of similarities. Ramayana is one of the key factors that connects India and Sri Lanka. So in the years to come I believe that there will be a very strong bilateral relationship between India and Sri Lanka.

manish-sisodia-aap-s-tallest-leader-after-arvind-kejriwal-is-working-overtime-to-revive-his-partys-fortunes

Sat Sep 07 15:18:05 IST 2024

It is late in the evening and Kalkaji, one of the prominent neighbourhoods in south Delhi, is teeming with rush hour traffic as people head home from work. Soon, there is a break in the hustle as senior Aam Aadmi Party leader Manish Sisodia steps out from an SUV. Flanked by party workers raising slogans in support and holding aloft his posters, Sisodia, the former deputy chief minister of Delhi, is in the locality to launch his first padyatra after coming out of jail.

The busy crowd slows down to catch a glimpse of the leader who was recently released from jail on bail in the Delhi excise policy case, after 17 months behind bars. A woman pushes her way towards him, “We will never forget what you have done for our children,” she tells him, reminding the crowd about Sisodia’s stint as minister of education.

At regular intervals, volunteers chant the AAP’s new slogan, ‘Manish Sisodia aa gaye, Kejriwal bhi aayenge (Sisodia is back, Kejriwal, too, will follow)’ even as the song, ‘Mera Rang De Basanti Chola’, now featured in most AAP events, plays in the background. As Sisodia finds children lined up with placards welcoming him, he moves through the crowd to acknowledge their presence and gives them his blessings. Sisodia’s most talked about achievement came when he held the education portfolio, transforming the condition of government-run schools in the capital.

Since his release from jail, Sisodia has been on an outreach blitzkrieg through padyatras, meeting a large number of people. “I am overwhelmed to be welcomed as one of their family members,” he told THE WEEK in an exclusive interview. He said his priority was to “reconnect” with the electorate. And rightly so, with the assembly elections in Delhi just six months away.

Sisodia is the tallest leader in the AAP after Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, who, too, was arrested in the excise policy case. They go back a long way and Sisodia is Kejriwal’s closest confidant and comrade-in-arms. He was tasked with implementing the AAP’s policies in Delhi, which allowed Kejriwal to focus on the party’s expansion plans. Sisodia’s release has come as a big relief for the AAP.

“With Manish ji’s return, the AAP has become stronger,” said party colleague and Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann. In the absence of its top two leaders, the AAP’s morale was dipping. Sisodia’s release will help the party re-strategise its campaign, especially in its stronghold, Delhi. He immediately took charge of the upcoming assembly elections, holding meetings with AAP volunteers, MLAs and councillors. “Our volunteers did not lose courage in adverse circumstances. We will soon come out of this crisis,” he said.

Political observers believe that his presence will make a difference in Delhi. Said Ashutosh, a political commentator who was earlier with the AAP, “There is a renewed energy at the organisational level. A new determination, which had been missing, is returning.”

For the AAP’s second-rung leaders, especially Atishi, Saurabh Bharadwaj and Gopal Rai, ministers with the most number of portfolios, the absence of Sisodia and Kejriwal has been particularly challenging. As the party and the government grappled with the high-profile arrests, they found themselves at the forefront of the AAP’s efforts to maintain its political and administrative momentum. Atishi broke down as the news of the release of Sisodia, regarded as her mentor, emerged.

Constant tiffs with Lieutenant Governor Vinai Kumar Saxena have made matters worse. The death of three civil services aspirants on July 27 after being trapped in the flooded basement of a coaching centre turned into a major confrontation between the LG and the Delhi government. The blame game over the pathetic condition of civic facilities continues unabated with Atishi writing to the chief secretary recently over sewer overflows and waterlogging in several parts of Delhi. Holding the LG-controlled bureaucracy responsible, Atishi said, “Delhi has been turned into a living hell.”

Bharadwaj, who has the health portfolio, and the LG’s office locked horns recently over non-hiring of doctors and other medical staff in government hospitals, holding each other responsible. The LG’s decision to seek details of the MLA Local Area Development Fund scheme on a Congress complaint resulted in sharp criticism from the AAP who accused Saxena of “deploying obstructive tactics” to “derail” the city’s development. Sisodia’s release has provided a breather to the ministers and the focus will now shift to how they work with him to navigate the post-arrest landscape.

Sisodia, meanwhile, has his task cut out. He cannot rejoin the cabinet until Kejriwal returns to the secretariat and reappoints him. This gives him ample time to focus on his political responsibilities, especially against the backdrop of the Lok Sabha elections where the AAP could not win even a single seat despite having an alliance with the Congress. Its vote share, however, increased to 24.14 per cent from 18.2 per cent in 2019.

The AAP fought a highly localised campaign, making Kejriwal’s arrest and the BJP’s dictatorial attitude its central poll plank, with an eye on the sympathy vote. However, the results indicate that it did not work, with the BJP retaining all seven seats in Delhi. The focus on free electricity and water, developing ‘schools of eminence’ and mohalla clinics had some resonance, but could not fetch enough votes. Besides, there seems to be a fatigue with the AAP as voters were unhappy with absentee MLAs and unfulfilled promises.

The Lok Sabha election results show that the AAP needs to go back to the drawing board and recalibrate its strategy. Its targeting of the Central government and playing the victim card showed a lack of strategic depth. “The AAP’s campaign for the assembly elections should not be relying too much on victimhood. The party should talk more about the good work it has done in Delhi for the past ten years,” said Sanjay Kumar, co-director of Lokniti, a research programme at the Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Developing Societies. Ashutosh said the AAP needed to stop its politics of confrontation. “It should adopt an accommodating strategy because people are suffering.”

Even though a lot of ground needs to be covered, a slight change in strategy is already visible. Sisodia first meeting with MLAs signalled a shift. Urging legislators and workers to do the “politics of development”, Sisodia said, “All of us should focus on positive and work-based politics and take Arvind Kejriwal’s unparalleled work to everyone.” On August 17, the AAP launched a campaign at autorickshaw stands across the city to use autorickshaw drivers, the party’s traditional supporters, to spread its message.

The outreach efforts also include booth-wise mapping of party volunteers and workers’ conferences in each assembly segment. “The workers’ conference is going on in all 70 assembly seats. MLAs are presenting the report of their work before the public,” said Sandeep Pathak, AAP’s national general secretary (organisation). There is also a door-to-door campaign to assess the mood of the voters.

The AAP is contesting all assembly seats in Haryana as well. The party is on a weaker footing in the Jat heartland which has 90 seats, but its aggressive campaign is likely to divide the votes and may spring a surprise. Said Ranbir Singh, an academic and political analyst from Haryana, “All regional parties, especially the AAP, will play the role of a spoiler for the big fish.”

Meanwhile, in Delhi, despite Sisodia’s return, the AAP needs to effect a fundamental change in its functioning for the national capital to be governed properly. “In the present circumstances, the fight between the Delhi government and the LG will continue even if the AAP wins the assembly elections, which will be problematic for the people of Delhi,” said Ashutosh. “It is high time Kejriwal came out of his own mindset for things to fall in place.”

At the moment, however, Sisodia is trying to set things right for the AAP, with a smile.

delhi-former-deputy-chief-minister-manish-sisodia-interview

Sat Sep 07 12:07:48 IST 2024

Interview/ Manish Sisodia, former deputy chief minister, Delhi

Sporting his trademark pink shirt, Manish Sisodia is his usual affable self. “Yes, I am here now,” says the former deputy chief minister of Delhi with a smile as he sits down for an exclusive interview with THE WEEK, referring to his long stint in jail.

After spending more than 17 months behind bars in the Delhi excise policy case, Sisodia says he is grateful for just being able to be with his family and friends, without the police looking on. One of the first photos he posted on X after his release was of him enjoying a cup of tea with wife Seema. He captioned it, “First morning tea of freedom”.

Relief is writ large on the face of the 52-year-old Aam Aadmi Party leader, who was recently granted bail by the Supreme Court. He is in a sparsely furnished room, and the wall behind his seat has a picture of Bhagat Singh, idolised by the AAP. On the side table, there is a statue of Lord Hanuman, who AAP leaders say helps remove obstacles in their path and blesses them in times of crisis.

Sisodia speaks at length on his time in Tihar, recollecting his struggles with isolation in jail and the constant surveillance. He says he turned to his passion, which is reading, to pass time. Spiritual succour came from reading the Upanishads and the Gita, he says.

Sisodia gets emotional talking about the impact of his imprisonment on his wife and son. His wife suffers from multiple sclerosis and Sisodia says she has had to bear the brunt of the political fight that he is involved in. He says it hurts him that he was not there for his teenaged son when he needed his father’s counsel.

Sisodia is aware that he has to hold the fort in the absence of Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. He has hit the ground running with padyatras and meetings with party leaders and workers. Sisodia, however, says he is in no hurry to rejoin the cabinet, and his priority is to reconnect with people. Excerpts from the interview:

You were in jail for 17 months. How did you feel when you heard that you got bail?

My bail plea was getting rejected for the past 17 months on baseless grounds. So I was a little apprehensive, especially because I was deliberately booked by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA). Section 45 of the Act makes it very difficult to get bail. Such laws are enacted mainly to curb heinous crimes like terrorism and drug financing, but the Central government has used it against political opponents like me to make it difficult for us to get bail. When I learnt about the Supreme Court’s order [on bail], I was confident that despite the draconian laws being misused, there are courts and the Constitution to protect us. These are the scenarios that Baba Saheb Ambedkar and others must have thought of while drafting the Constitution―to empower the ordinary citizen under Article 21. I am grateful for that.

How does it feel to be out here now?

It feels very nice indeed. From within the jail walls, I could see only a limited part of the sky and I would wonder whether the outside world we belong to actually exists or was that just a dream! To meet your family and friends without cops and to be able to think and work freely is the biggest blessing.

How did you keep yourself occupied in jail? Were you able to interact with other inmates?

For security and other reasons, I was confined to a ward and was escorted by officers if I needed medical attention or if I had to go for video conferencing and legal meetings. I was not free to roam around. Within the ward, there were five or six people with whom I interacted. In the beginning, they were strictly instructed by the jail administration to avoid interacting with me.

I was confined to a small cell which remained locked for 15 hours and the remaining time when I was allowed to move around in a small complex near my cell, I could not talk to anyone. I spoke to the officers about it, and I asked them why they were punishing me by not allowing me to talk to others. The courts had not ordered anything like that. Plus, the television in my cell did not have a news channel. I was told that it was stopped during the Delhi riots. Along with other inmates, I wrote to the jail administration and after five or six months, a news channel was provided inside jail. Besides, I read a lot of books. I am a bookworm. I read all the books, many on education, which I had bought during my visits to different cities. I also pursued my spiritual interests. I got the time to read in depth scriptures like the Upanishads and the Gita.

When Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal came out on interim bail, he spoke about 24x7 surveillance and efforts to break him psychologically.

When you are in jail, you are locked in a cell monitored by CCTV. Except the small corner where the washroom is located, all your actions are watched, whether you are sleeping, eating, changing clothes, reading, everything is being watched. And people used to come and tell me that the CCTV feed was being watched, and this was the reason why no one would talk to me. I was told that the feed was being watched in the superintendent’s room, in the control room and even in the director general’s office. Imagine being watched all the time. Of course, it was not an easy thing, mentally.

Did you ever get a chance to meet Kejriwal in jail?

No. Within the Tihar complex, there are several jails with different officers and staff. I was in jail number one and Kejriwal was lodged in another jail which was across a big wall.

Your wife has been ailing. You were not able to be by her side when she needed you the most.

It was a difficult time. I was mentally ready to tolerate the hardship that politics brings with it, especially when you are fighting and challenging powerful people. My wife suffers from multiple sclerosis, a chronic autoimmune disease, and the only cure, as advised by doctors, is a happy and healthy life. However, she bore the brunt of what happened and suffered more than me. My arrest brought great trauma for her and her condition continued to deteriorate. But I am thankful to my family, my party and its leadership. They would laugh and cry with her in my absence so that emotionally she would feel that she was not alone. But I was most hurt when people would say that because I was a minister, I would not have tended to my wife and questioned my request to take care of her. They said there must be others in the house to take care of her.

What about your son? How did it impact him?

Thankfully, the atmosphere in my house prepared him for hardships. We used to go together for the Anna movement. He used to accompany me for the protests. He was not expecting a soft life, being the son of a struggler and a fighter. Still, he is in his teenage years which is a sensitive time for any child. I used to ask him if he needed anything when I was in jail. But he always responded in the negative. I used to feel bad because at his age when children expect certain things from their parents, I was not there for him. It was personally tough. However, the trust, respect and love that I have received in the past 17 months outweigh the personal trauma. We should be ready to tolerate pain if we are fighting for a cause.

The AAP and other opposition parties have spoken about the misuse of the PMLA. The Supreme Court is going to hear petitions challenging the Act.

Laws like the PMLA are made with the intent to fight terrorism and drug financing. But if these laws are misused to crush political opponents or extort money from the business community, it is very unfortunate. I am hopeful that the Supreme Court will take a view on that. Also, if you give an officer the power to arrest with such stringent bail provisions as is the case with PMLA, then the officer’s accountability should also be fixed and it should be ensured that no officer acts in a manner so as to support the party in power or get them donations. It is also very important to free them (officers) from the political clutches. Hopefully, the Supreme Court will look into these issues.

How soon do you expect Kejriwal to get bail in the CBI case from the Supreme Court?

All of the BJP’s efforts have been aimed at making sure that Kejriwal, Sanjay Singh, Satyendar Jain and I remain in jail till the elections. As soon as the government realised that Kejriwal will get bail in the ED case, they got him booked in another fake case by the CBI. Kejriwal is being kept inside by misusing power. I am grateful to the Supreme Court that despite being wrongly booked under the stringent PMLA, it made sure that democracy, Constitution and liberty have prevailed. I am sure that the judgment on Kejriwal’s bail will also be a landmark one, especially after the Supreme Court’s observations in my case, underscoring right to life and liberty.

How is Kejriwal’s prolonged absence affecting the party morale?

I had my own assessment and assumptions when I was in jail. But now when I am meeting people, I realise that they acknowledge how Kejriwal fought the BJP, the Central government and the lieutenant governor to ensure that good work continued to happen in Delhi. Whether it was good schools, mohalla clinics, or doorstep delivery, he got it all done. Unfortunately, with him behind bars, that fight is not taking place and some works have suffered. But I am sure that as soon as Kejriwal comes out, he will make up for the lost work.

There is also the question about the incarceration of a sitting chief minister, creating complications for governance in Delhi. How is Kejriwal running the government from jail?

Ministers meet him. He gives them suggestions. But most important, all the ministers know Kejriwal’s intent behind any scheme. The work on that intent and ideology is happening even in his absence. What is missing is the leader. He would put up a fight whenever the BJP tried to stop work in Delhi through the LG and the officers. That is the reason why the BJP’s strategy is to keep Kejriwal in jail because they know that he would get the work done despite the obstacles. Free electricity to lakhs of people, free medical care for over two crore people through mohalla clinics are examples of Kejriwal’s passion for work. The existing issues like de-silting of sewers have emerged because the BJP and the LG are not releasing funds. Kejriwal will come out and fight as he has done in the past to get things done.

No cabinet meetings have taken place, and no major policy decisions are made because the chief minister is in jail.

The ministers are empowered to run their respective departments. But, unfortunately, the Central government has complicated the situation by amending the GNCTD (Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi), Act. Now, the LG is empowered. In the previous system, ministers were empowered to work with their officers. Now if the LG wants to get any work done, he directly calls for the file from the ministers. However, if he has to stop any work, he says it should be sent through the chief minister. Therefore, the obstacles in our work are because of the attitude of the BJP and the LG. But it is a matter of time that these things will be resolved when the chief minister comes out.

Now that you are out of jail, what are your foremost priorities?

My priority now is to go to the people. A disconnect of 17 months is significant for any political person. Therefore, I am reconnecting with the people. I am listening to their problems and assessing the situation. I am glad that in the padyatras that I have done in the past few days, I am being warmly welcomed by the people of Delhi. Their concern for us matters a lot. They are praying for Kejriwal to come out as well. This sentiment keeps us going. My priority is to be among the people.

How do you view the performance of the AAP in the Lok Sabha elections, especially in Delhi where it failed to win a single seat?

Every election has its own dynamics. There is a pattern in which Delhi votes. I am not going into the reasons. In 2014, 2019 and 2024 we did not get any seat in the Lok Sabha polls despite our historic mandates in the assembly elections in 2015 and 2020. Delhi decided to keep the pattern intact. You may attribute it to the fact that we did not get public sympathy or our strategy was perhaps not right. But this has been the pattern in the parliamentary elections despite people saying that a lot of work has been done. But I am glad that the people are now clear about what they want in Delhi. They want Kejriwal to come out as soon as possible.

You are out on bail, but the trial will go on. How will the AAP counter the corruption allegations levelled by the BJP?

A lot of cases were wrongly imposed on us earlier also which were quashed by the courts. This (Delhi liquor policy case) is the biggest so far. We are confident because we have done nothing wrong and our team, workers and leaders know this. That is the reason why the AAP did not break down in such times of crisis. People know the truth and have clarity on this issue.

What is the feedback you are getting for Delhi elections this time? What are the issues on which people will repose faith in the AAP?

Kejriwal’s concern for the people resonates among the electorate. He ensured that in times of inflation, people are not burdened with expenses on education, health care and electricity. It is an economic model that keeps inflation in check in Delhi, generates employment and prevents tax evasion. Every resident of Delhi has benefited from Kejriwal’s governance model. A big difference is being made to the lives of the people and I can see that sentiment in my padyatras. People hug me and tell me we have been wronged.

Haryana elections have been announced. It seems to be a direct contest between the BJP and the Congress. The AAP is vigorously campaigning. Where do you see the AAP in Haryana elections?

When we went to Punjab, there used to be a three-cornered contest between the Congress, the Akalis and the BJP. We worked hard and came to power. In Gujarat and Goa, we have MLAs. In Haryana also, the Kejriwal model of governance that focuses on issues that matter the most to the people, as evidenced in Delhi and Punjab, will yield good results.

Do you see yourself playing a role in government formation in Haryana?

It is up to the people of Haryana what role they give to us. We are raising issues which nobody else is raising. The BJP government has disappointed the people of Haryana in the past ten years. People are looking for a change. How much space they give us remains to be seen.

Kejriwal’s wife, Sunita, has been standing in for her husband. She has been campaigning actively. What role do you see her playing in the days to come?

It is very rare that the family of a leader who is fighting a political battle of this kind takes the struggle forward without any greed. The way she has communicated Kejriwal’s feelings and sentiments to the people is commendable and it has developed a connect. But when Kejriwal comes out I do not think it would be necessary as he himself will connect with the public.

Is there any possibility of the Congress and the AAP joining hands for the Haryana polls?

It is hard for me to say much on Haryana as my focus for now is on Delhi. There are teams working on strategies for Haryana and once Kejriwal is out, things will move ahead further. It is difficult for me to say yes or no at this stage. Let us see how things unfold in the near future.

You are presently holding padyatras in Delhi. What kind of response are you getting? What are the people telling you?

Interestingly, people are meeting me like they meet their own family members after a long gap. The familiarity with which people greet me is beyond my imagination. Schoolchildren are welcoming me. It is heartening to see so much love. Besides, people have small issues of their localities which they share with me and I make a note of those issues.

A lot has changed since you went to jail. How do you see the performance of Delhi government in the last two years?

This whole story began with the BJP challenging the Constitution. The Supreme Court clearly said that the Delhi government had the mandate to control services. The Centre gave the powers back to the LG through an ordinance. In the last one year, the BJP has not given any attention to what will happen to the people of Delhi. For example, the Delhi government gives money to the Delhi Jal Board in the budget, but that money is not being released by the officers on the directions of the LG and the BJP. Moreover, by putting all senior leaders of the AAP in jail and in the absence of Kejriwal, governance has been affected to some extent. Had Kejriwal been out, he would be fighting for Delhi’s issues. That is the difference his absence makes.

You were deputy chief minister when you were arrested. When are you returning to the cabinet?

I am not thinking about that right now. My immediate priority is to meet the people and I am enjoying it. The ministers are also giving their best. So there is nothing that I can do better if I join the cabinet. When Kejriwal is out, my role in the party or the government would be reviewed. There is no hurry.

If Kejriwal continues to be in jail for a longer time, is there a possibility that you will step in for him?

There is little possibility that he remains inside jail for a long time. When he has got bail in the ED case, which has more stringent sections, it should not be a problem to secure bail in the CBI case. We are quite optimistic that he will get bail soon.

hema-committee-report-on-abuse-and-exploitation-in-malayalam-cinema

Sat Aug 31 16:53:03 IST 2024

Devaki Bhaagi, 36, still remembers the day when her dream of entering the magical world of cinema turned into a nightmare.

She was 12 when she went to Mananthavady, a quaint town in Kerala’s Wayanad district, with her father. “Wayanad was far removed from the glitter and glamour of the movie world,” recalled Bhaagi. “One of my father’s acquaintances, a telefilm actor, had told us that a filmmaker and his crew were at a hotel in Mananthavady to audition teenagers for their film Vacation.”

The filmmaker was K.K. Haridas, who had directed family entertainers in the 1990s. “As my father and the filmmaker talked in the hotel room, I grew bored and wandered out to the balcony,” she recalled. “An assistant director came and started talking to me. Then he grabbed my hand and pulled me to a room, offering me a gift. The grip tightened as we neared the door, and I panicked. ‘I don’t want any gift!’ I cried out. ‘Don’t worry, girl,’ he said, and tried to push me into the room. I screamed and grabbed a part of the door, and his grip loosened. I escaped and ran back to my father, who was still talking to the filmmaker, and sat beside him silently. I told him what happened as we left the hotel.”

Bhaagi’s father, a teacher, shook with rage as he listened. “He confronted a photographer, who was part of the film crew, and asked, ‘What is happening here? That man dared to misbehave with my little girl!’ The photographer said, ‘Mashe (sir), please take her and leave this place as soon as possible. If I talk about things that are happening here, they would just throw me out.’ We left the place immediately,” said Bhaagi. “Throughout the journey home, my father held my hand.”

Shocking as the experience was, Bhaagi did not let go of her acting dreams. She acted in advertisements and short films when she was in high school, and won the prestigious Kalathilakam title in the district-level school youth festival. When she was in Class 11, a debutant filmmaker approached her promising a lead role. To her dismay, he demanded that she be prepared for “adjustments”―a euphemism for sexual favours. “My parents were shocked that someone could come to our home and say such things,” she said.

This second incident forced Bhaagi to abandon her acting dreams. “To me, the film industry appeared to be filled with predators and manipulators,” she said. Bhaagi, however, returned to the industry when she was 28, as a script assistant for a filmmaker who was her senior in college. Today, she is an actor and ad director, and more importantly, a member of the Women in Cinema Collective (WCC)―an influential group of women artistes formed in the aftermath of the case related to the sexual assault of a leading actor in a moving car in February 2017.

Malayalam cinema is currently in a watershed moment, as women like Bhaagi are speaking out about the horrific experiences they have had in the industry. The revelations have come after the report of the three-member Justice K. Hema committee, formed in 2017 to study issues of sexual harassment and gender inequality in the Malayalam film industry, was released on August 19. The report revealed many instances of abuse, sexual harassment, exploitation, discrimination and exclusion in the industry.

After it was released, allegations of sexual misconduct against prominent members of the industry have gripped Malayalam cinema. Filmmaker Ranjith Balakrishnan recently stepped down as chairman of the Kerala Chalachitra Academy, an autonomous institution under the state government, after Bengali actress Sreelekha Mitra accused him of misconduct. On Mitra’s complaint, the Kerala Police registered a case against Ranjith under section 354 (assault or criminal force on a woman with intent to outrage her modesty) of the Indian Penal Code.

Meanwhile, taking “moral responsibility” for the crisis in the industry, most members of the executive committee of the powerful Association of Malayalam Movie Artists (AMMA) resigned, along with its president, actor Mohanlal. Two days earlier, veteran actor Siddique had resigned as AMMA general secretary after actor Revathy Sampath accused him of rape and criminal intimidation. The police have registered a case against Siddique based on the complaint.

Allegations have also been made against other prominent figures in Malayalam cinema, including actor and legislator M. Mukesh, who is a member of the ruling CPI(M), and AMMA joint secretary Baburaj.

A STAINED LEGACY

After it was formed in 2017, the WCC launched a film society named after P.K. Rosy, Kerala’s first woman actor. Rosy had played the lead role of Sarojini in Vigathakumaran (1928), the first Malayalam feature film. Her portrayal sparked an outrage because Sarojini was a caste Hindu and Rosy was a dalit Christian. Having become the target of angry mobs, Rosy was forced to flee Kerala.

She has been hailed as Malayalam cinema’s first symbol of resistance. The second is the leading actor who was sexually assaulted in 2017, but had the courage to stand her ground and file a police complaint. As the Malayalam film industry experiences a #MeToo moment, she is being seen as a torchbearer of the changes that are happening.

Interestingly, one of the actors who came out in support of her when the sexual assault came to light was Manju Warrier, former wife of actor-producer Dileep. According to the police, it was Dileep who had given a contract to a driver to abduct the actor and take obscene photos and videos of her. The police said it was an act of revenge, as the actor was close to Warrier and had reportedly encouraged her to file the divorce petition against Dileep.

Dileep spent 85 days in jail before he was released on bail. Interestingly, both Ranjith and Siddique were among the many celebrities who had visited Dileep when he was in jail. The case against him is still in court.

According to National Award-winning film critic and documentary filmmaker C.S. Venkiteswaran, the leading men of Malayalam cinema gained immense power after the emergence of television rights for movies. “When television became the major consumer of films, star ratings became immensely important,” he said.

In the 2000s, alongside Malayalam superstars Mammootty and Mohanlal, Dileep became a top beneficiary of these changes. Before the sexual assault case, Dileep’s influence in the industry was unparalleled―he held key positions in various film bodies and had the clout to bring about far-reaching changes. Just a month before he was arrested, for instance, Dileep had resolved a deadlock between two industry bodies over sharing theatre revenues. He had achieved it by orchestrating a split in one of the bodies, and becoming president of the newly formed third body, the Film Exhibitors United Organisation of Kerala.

AMMA expelled Dileep the day after his arrest. The decision was said to have been taken under pressure from actor-producer Prithviraj, who was one of the first among male artistes to publicly support the survivor of the assault.

The resignation of AMMA’s executive committee came a day after he strongly criticised it for mishandling complaints. Prithviraj, whose influence has grown in the past seven years, also spoke out against the culture of bans. He said he was also subjected to an undeclared ban. In 2004, when his career was in its early stages, he was one of the first male artistes to agree to work on contract, a decision that displeased AMMA’s leadership. Eventually, though, top actors also began signing contracts.

If it was a group of men who brought progressive changes to the industry in 2004, it is now a group of women that is leading the charge for change. “Shell-shocked by the incident, we came together as a group, determined to support each other and the survivor,” actor Parvathy Thiruvothu, a founding member of the WCC, told THE WEEK. “We discovered that many of us shared similar experiences of feeling marginalised. We realised that there was a long-standing pattern of such issues.”

WOMEN VS WOMEN

The state government appointed the Hema committee following a petition from the WCC. But the committee encountered several roadblocks. Initially, it issued notice in newspapers, calling on people in the film industry to appear before the committee and give statements. But not a single person responded. So the committee began reaching out to individuals, and holding meetings at night to suit the schedule of those who were willing to talk. Many prominent actors appeared before the committee more than once, spending considerable time clarifying various aspects. The hearings went on for more than two years.

In its report submitted to the government on December 31, 2019, the committee said Malayalam cinema was controlled by an all-male “power group” that wielded significant influence over casting and production. Since woman artistes feared retaliation and blacklisting, many of them chose not to appear before the committee. Many of them even said there was “no need” in Malayalam cinema for an organisation like the WCC.

WCC members who deposed before the committee said male artistes openly threatened to prevent them from working in the industry. Notably, the committee’s report, from which names and other sensitive information have been redacted, mentions an actor who was initially with the WCC, but later changed her stance to get more opportunities.

T. Sarada, committee member and National Award-winning actor who started her career in 1959, noted in the report that “sexual harassment existed even in the early days of the film industry”. She blamed “western culture” and increased openness in interactions for the current problems.

“Girlfriends and boyfriends are very public now,” she wrote in the report. “The relationship between men and women was different in the old days. The culture of the new generation is different. ‘Adjustment’ and ‘compromise’ are openly discussed now, whereas it was not so open then.”

Sruthi Rajan Payyanur, assistant professor of journalism and mass communication at Birla Global University, Bhubaneswar, said consent was often manipulated in the film industry. “Even after consent is coerced, the threats persist, trapping individuals in a cycle of fear and control,” she said. Rajan revealed that she had to abandon her dream of becoming a filmmaker in mainstream cinema after a director demanded sexual favours for hiring her as an assistant director.

The report said men had been exploiting the lack of legal awareness among women in cinema. To address the issue, a group of senior women lawyers have come together and formed a collective. “We see the possibility that survivors who are now coming forward and speaking openly could again be victimised, unless there is strong support system to help them,” said advocate Sandhya Janardhanan Pillai, a member of the collective.

Veil of vagueness

When the Kerala government appointed a committee to look into issues faced by women in cinema, it was widely praised as a progressive, first-of-its-kind decision. But over the past few years, the government has squandered much of the goodwill because of the way it is perceived to have prevented the release of the report.

In February 2020, Justice Hema wrote to the government stressing the importance of protecting the privacy of those who deposed before the committee. In October the same year, the State Information Commission rejected RTI requests for the release of the report. The redacted report was finally released only after the commission reversed its decision this July. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan attributed the four-year delay in releasing the report to Justice Hema’s letter and the commission’s 2020 decision.

The government, however, has found it difficult to hide its apathy. On August 16, three days before the report’s release, Culture Minister Saji Cherian called a news conference in which he dismissed queries about the report, telling journalists that he had called them to announce the state film awards. The minister also announced the plan to organise a “film conclave”, which later became the government’s standard response to questions about implementing the recommendations of the Hema committee.

One of the recommendations in the report was the setting up of a quasi-judicial tribunal “to liberate women from the evils of the Malayalam film industry”. Vijayan, however, said the tribunal would incur significant costs.

Currently, there is no clarity on how the government plans to go about implementing the recommendations. Said Parvathy: “We kept choosing to trust the government to do the right thing. We still are; it’s been a week since the report came out and we are still waiting to hear from the government on the next steps.”

In 2014, a committee headed by acclaimed filmmaker Adoor Gopalakrishnan submitted his recommendations to solve disputes between industry bodies. “We recommended setting up a body that would contain representatives of industry and the government. But it was not taken up. Our other recommendations, too, were not implemented,” said Gopalakrishnan, who refused to comment on current developments.

There are concerns that suggestions in the Hema committee report would meet the same fate. The report lists 17 kinds of issues that women in cinema commonly face, many of which are cognisable offences. This has attracted criticism that the police have not been proactive in taking action based on the report. “For the purpose of setting the law in motion for criminal investigation, mere information alone is sufficient,” T. Asaf Ali, former director general of prosecution, told THE WEEK. “Section 176 of the Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita [says that] if the officer in charge of a police station receives information, or otherwise [has] knowledge, information or clue with regard to the commission of an offence, he has to set the law in motion for investigation.”

On August 22, the Kerala High Court admitted a writ petition seeking a directive to the director general of police to initiate criminal proceedings based on the report. The court has asked the state government to submit the report in full, including the redacted portions, in a sealed cover. The next hearing is on September 10.

Meanwhile, as pressure mounted on the government, Vijayan convened a special meeting of top police officers on August 25. A team of seven IPS officers was formed, and H. Venkitesh, additional director general of police (Crime Branch), was made its supervisor. The chief minister’s office said the team would function as a “special investigation team” that would look into the allegations. Notably, there was no mention of any inquiry into the allegations in the report.

Questions have been raised whether the government followed due procedure in forming the SIT. Section 21(2)(b) of the Kerala Police Act, which allows the government to create special units, stipulates the registration of a first information report for forming SITs. “An investigation without FIR is a farce,” said Asaf Ali. “They cannot summon, arrest, search or seize any material. And, they cannot file a report in court.”

The delay in releasing the government order constituting the team has added to the confusion. “This is a peculiar situation,” said an officer in the team. “The routine is to file the FIR in a police station and then transfer it to the SIT.”

The officer said the team was not formed under the Kerala Police Act, and that it would be operating under Section 30 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, which deals with the powers of superior police officers. The team’s powers and scope of operations, however, remains unclear.

The scope and structure of the planned film conclave also remains vague. There is criticism that the event could force survivors to once again share space with perpetrators. CPI leader Annie Raja told THE WEEK that Minister Cherian should have been more serious in his approach. “The first response after a report like this should not have been to announce a conclave,” she said. “The immediate reaction should have been to present the report to the public and commit to taking action based on its recommendations. That was the bare minimum.”

Cherian has also been criticised for letting Mukesh, the actor-MLA accused of sexual misconduct, remain in a committee set up by his ministry to create a “film policy” for the state. The committee, led by filmmaker Shaji N. Karun, has been tasked with addressing 25 areas of concern, including gender issues and women’s safety.

Karun told THE WEEK that it was up to Mukesh to decide whether to remain in the committee, despite the allegations against him. “I don’t mind if he remains,” he said, “as his insights as producer, actor and politician are valuable.”

bengali-actress-sreelekha-mitra-interview-hema-committee-report

Sat Aug 31 16:22:00 IST 2024

Interview/ Sreelekha Mitra, actor

Sreelekha Mitra is known for her contributions to Bengali cinema and for being a champion of women and animal rights. A left sympathiser and a regular presence at party rallies and public programmes, she filed a police complaint against popular Malayalam movie director Ranjith alleging misconduct, which forced him to resign as chairman of the Kerala Film Academy. She was offered a role in Ranjith’s film Paleri Manikyam in 2009.

Q/ Ranjith has announced that he will take legal action.

A/ He has the right to take legal action. Who would openly admit to committing injustice? When it comes to something like sexual exploitation, even seemingly innocent gestures like touching someone’s bangles or hair cannot be taken lightly. Women know the difference between good touch and bad touch; we have been aware of it since childhood. I am not against Ranjith or anyone in this industry because I have nothing to gain from them. All I want is the Rs23,000 I spent on my return flight. However, the trauma I experienced that night and the following day was unthinkable.

Q/ Ranjith claims that this allegation is part of a larger conspiracy against him and the left government in Kerala?

A/ What conspiracy is he talking about? I am a left sympathiser and a staunch supporter, but no individual is above the party. He is answerable for his actions. This isn’t about one person; it’s about a broader issue that exists in many industries, especially the film industry due to the glamour, money, and fame associated with it. That is why it garners so much media attention. If you start unmasking, I am sure 90 per cent of the people would end up behind bars. This behaviour has become normalised, as if people think they have to give something to get something.

I gave him no such signal, especially since I was trying to save my marriage at the time. Yes, he was a good looking, charming, and well-spoken man, and in another time or situation, I might have liked him. But back then, I was very loyal and faithful to my husband. This is not a conspiracy. And if it is, I would say it is more likely a conspiracy from the Trinamool Congress government. Perhaps they know I am a left supporter and have instigated this so that a left supporter of Bengal will talk about another comrade in Kerala and the Kerala government.

Q/ What made you decide not to file a complaint initially?

A/ I have made my point, and I don’t want to pursue all these legal matters. Actually, I cannot say that he raped me or sexually assaulted me. That is not the case. Maybe if I had known you for a longer period of time, I would have come and hugged you, and you could have hugged me. But this is not the case. I met that person for the very first time, and he was romantically trying to instigate me when I was not in that zone. You have to understand a woman’s body language and attitude towards you.

filmmaker-and-chairman-of-the-committee-drafting-keralas-film-policy-shaji-n-karun-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:42:47 IST 2024

Interview/ Shaji N. Karun, filmmaker and chairman of the committee drafting Kerala’s film policy

Q/ As chairman of the committee drafting the film policy, you will play a key role in the upcoming film conclave. What will be the major focus areas of this policy?

A/ The film policy we’re currently drafting covers at least 25 areas, each assigned to specific experts. It addresses various aspects, including the construction of theatres, labour issues, and more. It’s crucial that the policy integrates both social philosophy and technological innovations.

Q/ There are allegations against M. Mukesh, an MLA who is part of the committee. Given that this committee is also responsible for addressing gender issues and creating a safe environment, how do you view his presence on the committee?

A/ He has to decide for himself. I don’t mind if he remains, as his insights as a producer, actor and politician are valuable. However, if he leaves, that space will become vacant in the committee.

Q/ How far have you proceeded with the policy?

A/ The first draft is done. I believe the fifth draft will be discussed at the conclave.

Q/ Is the MeToo wave sweeping through the industry tarnishing its image, or is it taking the industry into a correctional path?

A/ It is something that is happening not only in Malayalam cinema.

Q/ Yes, but this kind of movement is currently unique to Malayalam cinema.

A/ If the same issue is happening in some other industry, like IT or any other area, do you think that it will get such exposure in media? That itself makes you think with a different clarity, no? Because cinema has been reduced to gossip now, not a cultural activity. That’s why it’s [getting] such exposure. If [it was] any other industry, will it get such exposure?

Q/ But, my question is whether these revelations are pushing the industry to a course correction?

A/ Yeah. Their information, their thoughts and their feelings are added ingredients in the formulation of the film policy.

Q/ What will it add?

A/ Different thoughts. Earlier, there were no rules. When there is an issue, then rules are formed. So, now, the rules have to be recognised.

Q/ Abuses and exploitation are there in every film industry. Do you think the model established by the Malayalam film industry and its film policy could serve as a model for the entire country?

A/ [Yes]. For the entire country. Including technicians. And the people working outside should also cooperate with the Kerala industry.

actor-and-member-of-women-in-cinema-collective-parvathy-thiruvothu-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:41:33 IST 2024

Interview/ Parvathy Thiruvothu, actor and member of Women in Cinema Collective

She has captivated audiences through numerous characters over a career that spans nearly two decades. Yet, in the past seven years, Parvathy Thiruvothu has taken on a new role―a relentless fighter for her fellow women in cinema. Now, amid a #MeToo movement in Malayalam cinema, Parvathy opens up about the relentless struggle she and the Women in Cinema Collective (WCC) have faced. Excerpts from an exclusive interview:

Q/ After the Hema committee report was submitted, it remained in cold storage for over four years. Do you think this delay had a damaging effect on women who were ready to speak before the committee? Were there attempts by powerful individuals to identify those who deposed?

A/ Frankly, I can’t say for certain if any powerful individuals were trying to identify those who were deposing. However, the number of women who came forward was not large, though it proved significant enough. The women who did come forward, did so only after the Hema committee ensured confidentiality. They assured that depositions would not be recorded with audio devices but would be handwritten, a more tedious process. Recounting their trauma and abuse was challenging, requiring them to reread and listen to their stories repeatedly to ensure accuracy. This process took hours and, for some, even days.

It took about one and a half years just to submit the report. During this time, the WCC consistently followed up with them, asking, “Is the report ready? Have you submitted it? Why the delay? Can we assist in any way to expedite the process?”

Q/ Were you checking in with the government or with the committee members?

A/ Both. The WCC emailed and sent letters to everyone involved, although after a point we stopped receiving responses. However, whenever we did get a reply, we were very proactive in offering our help. When the report was finally submitted in December 2019, we were thrilled. It was a historic moment. While the submission itself was significant, as we are now, we were focused on the recommendations.

[The report] was put in cold storage for four and a half years. The reason given was that it had sensitive information. Statements from the committee members, especially from actor Sarada, were particularly painful. Sarada, despite being a senior actor, made light of our situation by suggesting that women should just dress better, then we may not face issues such as sexual harassment. I believe that more survivors might have come forward and received help if the process had been handled differently.

Q/ Did you feel that the government was apathetic towards your cause?

A/ Personally, I feel a gross delay in justice always amounts to apathy. The time and effort that have gone into a study like this should be valued. We kept choosing to trust the government to do the right thing. We still are; it’s been a week since the report came out and we are still waiting to hear from the government on the next steps vis-a-vis the recommendations.

Q/ Women actors and technicians who joined the WCC faced professional repercussions for challenging powerful figures in the industry. How did you cope with the negativity and abuse directed at you?

A/ This period has been incredibly educational. There were allies in the public and the media that stood by me and my fellow WCC members. I understood what true ally-ship looks like and what it means to stay on course. The solidarity within the collective was crucial, especially when we faced challenges like losing work or being banned by employers who saw us as troublemakers. We also heard from women who were harassed on set―not only sexually, but verbally as well. They were told to be wary of us, labelled as WCC spies, and made the butt of jokes, which made their professional environment extremely uncomfortable.

These experiences have caused many women to leave the industry before they could even start their careers. Witnessing this was one of the worst things. I consider myself fortunate to have continued to get work, including outside the Malayalam industry. Nevertheless, it’s still unfair that I, too, lost opportunities. During this time, we leaned on each other for support, engaged in many conversations and learned a lot. Unfortunately, name-calling, memes and trolling had become our new normal, and took a significant toll on our mental health.

We didn’t know where any of this was going. On top of seeking justice, we had to beg and grovel for it. However, I’m proud that we have now arrived at this juncture and that we did not give up.

Q/ What was your reaction when the report was finally released?

A/ By the time the report came out, I was in a state of shock because, at that point, I had given up on it. I knew that as a collective we are not giving up. But personally, the embers of hope had completely died down. So, when the report finally came out, my first reaction wasn’t relief but anger and sadness, with thoughts about what we could have done [differently]. But, as I said, this wasn’t the case for the collective. I am so grateful for our allies in the media and the public for keeping our spirits up, too.

Q/ Do you believe the government is genuinely committed to implementing these recommendations? You said it was insensitive for the government to move forward with the idea for a film conclave.

A/ I didn’t say the idea of a conclave was insensitive. When they say they will bring everyone from the serial and film industry to a conclave and only discuss solutions, it easily gives way to many assumptions and concerns. One of the concerns would be that survivors, for the sake of solutions, would be given no choice but to share space with perpetrators. And, that can be insensitive. What I said is that in case they conduct a conclave, I hope they’re sensitive to the part that they have to protect the survivors in that process.

I was hoping that there would be more clarity in statements that were coming out from the government instead of saying that those who have a problem can go file a case; instead of saying that, ‘Oh, we will hold a conclave’.

Ideally, the next step should be a thorough study of the recommendations, followed by timely consultations with stakeholders, industry unions, and bodies like the WCC.... The issue is that we receive these vague statements with no follow-up, and we don’t want to endure another four and a half years of repeatedly asking for clarification on terms like “conclave”.

actor-tanushree-dutta-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:40:19 IST 2024

Interview/ Tanushree Dutta, actor

Q/ What do you think about the Hema Committee report?

A/ The sheer size of the report is impressive and it seems like a thorough, groundbreaking assessment of how bad the situation really is. I was initially uncertain about it because I thought it would be like the Vishaka Guidelines, which lost steam over the years. But, I have corrected my opinion after learning more. I didn’t know much about the Malayalam industry... so maybe reports like this are, after all, necessary.

Q/ Tell us about the power dynamics during the making of a film and how actresses tread the path?

A/ The problem of ‘casting couch’ is not that bad in Bollywood. Because it is more like camps in Bollywood that actresses join to get opportunities. Then what favours they need to do is another topic and I would not know because nobody took me in their camp. Rank newcomers have it toughest, but I think actresses in the A-plus, A and A-minus categories, at least, escape such transactions.

Misbehaviour and misdemeanour tales are a dime a dozen. There are a few uncivilised men in Bollywood who make the whole filmmaking experience a nightmare for girls who are outsiders. That I have personally seen and experienced. The only way is to avoid working with such people. So, better to do research on people you work with and get industry gossip on threads like Reddit and Quora. But, you may still get stuck with wrong people because they wear masks; you don’t know who is a psychopathic molester or abuser.

Q/ Please share your experiences of working in the Hindi cinema industry, from the perspective of safety and security.

A/ I didn’t have much of an issue with safety till the Horn ‘Ok’ Pleassss incident, where goons were called on set to vandalise my car at the behest of an actor whose advances I rejected. In the last few years, after the #MeToo movement, I have been targetted by hired goons, damaging my psyche and health. All manner of mishaps have happened to me. All this was clearly done by Nana Patekar in retaliation and revenge.

Prior to this obsessive, vengeful psycho Nana Patekar making my life hell on a daily basis, I only had a few minor altercations with a few unruly, ill-mannered, rogue-type men. They are easily manageable if you are strict and assertive. They are the majority and they leave you alone once you tell them to back off. But, the diabolical, vicious and manipulative ones, like Nana Patekar and a few others, plot and plan your downfall, including causing physical harm.

Q/ What are the systemic changes that could make a real difference?

A/ Had the government taken concrete actions against criminals in Bollywood after #MeToo in 2018, or generally, I am sure other, more heinous stuff would not have happened. Because Bollywood inspires people. So, it is obvious where the action should start. Criminals in Bollywood are out on bail and are thick as thieves with #MeToo accused. The women who complained are facing several issues after the #MeToo movement.

Q/ Do you feel female actors need to come out in support, as one unit?

A/ Of course, women in general need to have each other’s back. Also, good and clean men in the corridors of power need to side with those fighting for justice and safety.

I have noticed that good people have no unity, but bad people and criminals [stick together] during crises. Good people are too busy avoiding scandal and conflict, while the souls of survivors and change-makers burn with indignation, fear, anger, and sadness for being left out there to fend for themselves against all odds. Then, I don’t think anybody can call themselves good; if they don’t do anything to help and just watch the toxic drama unfold and continue to damage those few who dare to protest and refuse such evil practices.

The evil criminals have their bhais, messiahs and patrons to protect them and keep them in circulation, but the victims and survivors have no allies. A warrior is fighting not just for herself, but the next generation, too, and you do not help or provide for her in some way. How many movements are needed to see that some of these men are mentally unstable, sick and totally devoid of remorse, like psychopaths.

bengali-film-actress-ritabhari-chakraborty-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:39:22 IST 2024

The R.G. Kar incident showed how little the authorities care about women. The Hema Committee report gave me confidence that this is the right time to begin this discussion in the Bengali film industry as well.

The report has given me the belief that big, powerful men can be brought down. So, I think it is the right time for me to come forward with the struggles and issues I faced early in my career. I don’t want my juniors and newcomers to experience the same.

Groups of powerful men exist in the Bengali film industry as well. But I would still say that things have somewhat improved from what I saw at the beginning of my career 15 years ago.

But the groups exist and they are so influential that rejecting their advances and calls can negatively impact a woman’s career. They can deny women opportunities in every production house. That is why women are scared. They are scared to lose their jobs.

However, in most of the cases, advances from influential men are not direct, like, “I want to sleep with you”. Instead, they would say “Let’s go for a coffee or hang out”, and then drop subtle hints about their intentions. Most of the time, these men are married and have children.

In 2016 or 2017, a producer closely associated with a big Bengali superstar approached me, suggesting that the superstar was interested in going out with me. When I declined, the producer called me stupid and said that I would have made my career had I gone out with him. This scared me.

I had another traumatic experience and I wish to file a police complaint soon. I met a prominent producer in a public place to discuss a film, and he hinted that he wanted me to be his girlfriend. I didn’t respond and asked him to drive me home. During the drive, he touched my hand without my consent. I shouted at him, feeling scared. Although he didn’t do anything more, he was visibly angry.

The Hema Committee’s findings on the lack of basic amenities for women in the Malayalam film industry are equally applicable to West Bengal. As an established star, I receive the best facilities, but junior actors face extremely poor treatment and endure terrible experiences.

Then there are drunk technicians always knocking on women’s doors during outdoor shoots. In the Bengali film industry, it is still common to film intimate scenes without intimacy coordinators. These practices need to change for women to feel safe in the industry.

Ritabhari Chakraborty is an actor and model.

―As told to Niladry Sarkar

actor-and-bjp-leader-khushbu-sundar-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:38:05 IST 2024

Interview/ Khushbu Sundar, actor and BJP leader

Q/ What do you have to say about the Hema committee report? Do you think that it will help women in the industry to speak up?

A/ I am happy that the Hema committee report has come out. First of all, congratulations to the seven women who stood together and decided that they should fight it out. I understand that sexual assaults have been going on in the Malayalam industry for a long time. But I haven’t experienced something like this. I feel the report will make women speak up. What is important is that women speak up immediately when subjected to abuse. You adjust and compromise because you don’t want your career to be affected and then you speak up 15 or 20 years later; I feel that is not the right thing to do.

Today, the entire executive committee of AMMA, including Mohanlal, has resigned. So there is a new leadership that is going to come up. I think that even the men are standing up in solidarity with the women. But I feel they failed in supporting a woman or protecting her. I am glad that everyone, including Mohanlal, has quit from their post. But unfortunately, it is only cinema that is in the limelight. These kind of sexual abuse or asking for favours exist in every field and industry. So we need to look back as to where we have been failing.

Q/ Do you think the report and the developments in the Malayalam film industry will give courage to women in every field to speak up?

A/ I don’t know if this is going to give them the courage. But one thing is for sure―men will be scared to approach a woman, and that is extremely important. Because they will now understand that it might hit them 15 or 20 years later, that karma is going to hit back at them.

Q/ As someone who grew up in the Tamil film industry, are you saying that such issues do not exist here?

A/ I have also been part of the Malayalam industry. It is just that I have been more actively involved in the Tamil film industry. I was introduced in Telugu cinema. But that doesn’t mean that I did not go through any of this. Somebody can try to be in your good books and silently pass a lewd comment to see how you react. But no man will hold a knife to your neck and tell you to compromise for work. They are silent operators. I am sure now women in other industries, including the Tamil industry, will start speaking up.

Q/ There were allegations during the #MeToo movement in the Tamil film industry and there are some even now.

A/ I don’t know any specific case. I read an article where a couple of women spoke on the condition of anonymity. But I cannot support that. You are making allegations against an industry that gave you everything you have today, so don’t speak on condition of anonymity. Come out and speak; don’t hide.

Q/ It is said that women who speak up lose out on work opportunities.

A/ All the women [from the Women in Cinema Collective] have done some brilliant work. One of them won the best actor award from the Kerala government. Rima [Kallingal] has been working, Parvathy has been working. All these are the most talented bunch of actors in the Malayalam film industry. And, no producer is a fool to invest crores of money just because you get sexual favours. We need to understand that. If you are successful, if you are talented, you don’t even have to compromise. Why do you compromise?

Q/ What are your takeaways from the report?

A/ I haven’t read the entire report. But we need a system in the industry to build trust among the women workers. We definitely need a separate body where women can file complaints and an inquiry is called. Most importantly, I want women to speak up then and there. Nothing can be more important than your dignity and your respect. Your career and everything else can wait.

Q/ You have been a member of the National Commission for Women. Did anyone from the industry approach you with complaints?

A/ No, not even anonymous complaints.

Q/ What do you think will happen now that the report is out?

A/ This will go off. It came up only because of the women who fought consistently. What happened to #MeToo? People are going to forget. But here, I feel we should have a logical solution. I have been part of a committee that works on such issues and complaints. Merely an accusation cannot be a complaint. We need to have a proper investigation officer, because we have seen that many a time the complaints are used to settle personal scores. So, we need to have the support of the investigating agencies, the men in the industry and from everyone around.

actor-turned-motivator-anu-aggarwal-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:36:32 IST 2024

My work today is focused on mental health, and I’m pleased to see significant progress for women in the film industry. The government is also doing what it can. However, women in cinema―and in all fields―must be aware of their actions.

Not all men are rapists. Unless a man has serious mental issues, he won’t rape or molest a woman.

Judicial committees and the actions that follow are necessary and should take place. Corrective measures must be implemented, but it’s not fair to blame an entire industry or group for the actions of a few. Regular introspection is essential, and if mistakes have been made, they should be corrected.

I have never come forward with a #MeToo allegation. I’m single and live alone, but I’m always mindful of drawing the line. Being aware of my actions has protected me.

Yes, there are bad apples in every group, but we shouldn’t demean or detest men as a whole because of the actions of a few.

Men are not born rapists, and most men are decent.

Many of my married female friends claim they have achieved success on their own, but I remind them that a supportive husband often played a role―helping with children and household responsibilities. I know what it’s like to come home alone with no one waiting. We should respect men for who they are and what they do.

Let’s strive to live in harmony and avoid hostility for its own sake. That’s how we can build a just and happy society.

Anu Aggarwal is an actor-turned-motivator.

―As told to Anirudha Karindalam

indian-singer-and-voice-actress-chinmayi-sripada-interview

Sat Aug 31 12:35:23 IST 2024

Interview/ Chinmayi Sripada, singer and voice actor

Q/ What do you have to say about the Hema committee report and the fallout?

A/ The women from the Women in Cinema Collective who fought and got this done are heroes. It is amazing. The rest of the country should follow this.

Q/ What are your takeaways from the report?

A/ I read only a part of it. But I have been following every development and I am in touch with the women there. More or less whatever the Hema committee report has said has been happening in the film industry. This could be true for any film industry in India. But I am glad that the report came out at this point in time and has emboldened the women to speak up. But I feel that there are a lot more women who do not speak up. Women can actually speak up despite all odds, but what happens thereafter is the most important thing. Most of us had forgotten what happened to Raya Sarkar [who made a list of sexual predators in academia] in 2017, the sexual harassment and the case and the report thereafter. Most people forgot the hounding she faced.

Q/ Could you tell us about the ordeal you faced in the dubbing industry after you accused Tamil lyricist Vairamuthu of sexual misconduct?

A/ Not just the industry, but the entire political setup in Tamil Nadu and the DMK’s IT wing were after my blood. Lots of Tamil people across the globe were after me for speaking out.

Q/ Do you think that the film industry also did not stand by you?

A/ Not just the fraternity, even my seniors―the singers in the Tamil industry―did not stand by me. All the senior singers in the industry ganged up against me to protect Vairamuthu and singer Karthik. More than the Tamil industry, the Telugu and the Malayalam industry were more understanding. I have asked my colleagues in Telugu and Malayalam industry to not work with Karthik, and they have agreed at times. I was disappointed with the way my whole fraternity reacted when I spoke up. I thought the people whom I respected the most, like singer Srinivasan sir, would support a woman who has been affected. But despite seeing the video evidence of Karthik misbehaving with a girl, Srini sir was the first to whitewash the accusations against Karthik. I lost six prime years of my career. I am not getting any younger. Why does society or my own fraternity punish me for speaking the truth? Like the #MeToo movement, I feel this should not die down. Karthik and Vairamuthu are still big in the industry. It is a cesspool of molesters.

jammu-and-kashmir-prepares-to-hold-its-first-assembly-elections

Fri Aug 23 16:35:54 IST 2024

Elections are necessary in democracies, because the core strength of democracy lies in participatory politics. Today, Jammu and Kashmir is preparing to hold its first assembly elections in a decade, in a strategic-sociopolitical environment that underwent a radical transformation after the abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019.

The big question now: how can political parties help make the elections free and fair, ensuring that voters overcome challenges rooted in historical reasons that had pitted a sizeable section of the population against the Indian state?

The polls will define what a vote for democracy means in Jammu and Kashmir today. In the past five years, there has been a sharp swing in the rhetoric of political parties in Jammu and Kashmir―from a vocal unwillingness to fight the polls unless Article 370 was restored, to demands for statehood and, finally, expressing willingness to participate in the polls. Some politicians even concede that boycotting the district development council polls in 2020 was a mistake.

This demonstrates two points. First, the Indian state matters. Second, the political class―including the BJP, the Congress, the National Conference and the Peoples’ Democratic Party―understands that for the common man bijli, sadak, paani (electricity, road, water) matter. Hospitals, schools and colleges matter. Roads and infrastructure matter. Employment matters.

Politicians, as most Kashmiris would agree, have not historically done well when it comes to meeting their expectations. Hence, the apprehension among voters about whether the upcoming polls would bring much-needed relief in their day-to-day lives or just be a vehicle for vote bank politics that would skirt around issues of development and governance.

So, in an ecosystem that has failed to deliver on public welfare, and has, over time, become vulnerable to not just terrorism and separatism, but also anti-India sentiments, how must the Indian state respond?

It must respond with democratic fervour, as it is doing today―by preparing to hold the much awaited polls. The annual budget of Jammu and Kashmir had always been enriched by grants from the Union government, irrespective of the party in power. Now, the promise of welfare schemes must come without colour or tags.

“If both the elected government and the lieutenant governor work towards peace and progress, how can there be any difference [between them]?” said Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha. “The elected government will get complete support of the office of the LG if it wants to work towards peace and development of Jammu and Kashmir.”

The people are eager to elect their representatives. “I have felt the pulse of the people during my public meetings,” said Vijay Kumar Bidhuri, divisional commissioner of Kashmir. “They are very eager for the polls. They have seen that, during the panchayat and local body polls, the sarpanch and block members have been able to distribute benefits of welfare schemes. There is a feeling of empowerment that percolates down when elections are held.”

The recent Lok Sabha polls saw a sharp rise in the number of candidates, because of which Bidhuri had to ensure that polling booths had two voting machines each. “We expect more participation in the assembly polls, and the subsequent panchayat and local body polls,” he said.

There are several reasons behind the increased participation. The youth are keen to participate in the decision-making process and, unlike in the past, when there was disenchantment with the government, they feel the need for participatory politics.

The Jammu and Kashmir administration is not particularly worried about the possibility of political protests, sloganeering and unrest in Kashmir once an elected government is formed. “Once people start reaping the dividends of peace and development, it is an irreversible process,” said Bidhuri. “Take the example of the right to information. There can be aberrations or misuse, but no one asks for taking back laws that benefit citizens. School curriculums have been completed, tourism got a boost, and markets opened up. The people of J&K are intelligent and will not fall back to the dark days of unrest.”

With the poll campaign set to start, voters are keen to know the core issues around which political parties would weave their narratives. They also want to find answers to several questions. Such as, does a particular party have a veneer? If yes, would the loss of that veneer make the party no different from the others? And, has the entry of a new party created a genuine political space, or is the party just colluding with another?

“All citizens have a right to be in control of their destiny and the moment they think there is no choice available on the political shelf, the elections will fall prey to the danger of being labelled as rigged,” said a senior government official.

A robust strategy is required to steer clear of these pitfalls, which pose a big challenge to the Union government. The answer may lie in a cross-party consensus that sends a message to voters that just as anti-India narratives are being expelled from spheres such as economy, trade, education, governance and security, such sentiments would be dispelled from Jammu and Kashmir’s political discourse as well.

“If there are protests by common people or political parties in a democratic way, and within the tenets of the Constitution, then I have no problem,” said Sinha. “But if there are actions that endanger the safety, sovereignty and integrity of the country, or challenge the unity of the nation, then I would exercise the powers vested in me by the Constitution.”

The judiciary and law enforcement will also need to play the watchdog role. Provisions of the Representation of the People Act and the Election Commission’s model code of conduct are enough to rein in possible attempts by political parties to create divisions in society.

In the run-up to the polls, a cross-party consensus for ensuring peace and stability in Jammu and Kashmir can be as radical a step as the voiding of Article 370 was. It will be a progressive step to declare that there would be no interference of the Army or the police in the polls, and that money power would not be allowed to influence the democratic process. Voters would certainly hope that all institutions rise to the occasion and make these pledges.

State and non-state actors in Pakistan could not disrupt the Lok Sabha elections. But the threat of cross-border terror persists. Security strategists believe that, in an effort to maintain its indirect hold on the levers of power, Pakistan would covertly support attempts to retain the anti-India constituency in Kashmir. The assembly polls, therefore, demand a security approach that is as cautious as the one that had been in effect during the Lok Sabha polls.

“The militancy situation in Jammu and Kashmir keeps oscillating between the valley and the Jammu region,” said D.K. Pathak, former director general of the Border Security Force. “Whichever area gets more security pressure, militant activities shift to the other half of J&K.”

This is exactly what the Jammu region is experiencing now. “For almost three years now, the enemy is trying to deflect the pressure [caused by the] tightening of the security in the valley,” said R.R. Swain, director general of the police.

After Article 370 was voided, security forces were concentrated in the valley, where more violent reactions was expected. This created a sort of vacuum in the Jammu region, where militant groups got opportunities to infiltrate and activate sleeper cells. According to Swain, battle-hardened terrorists from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in Pakistan tunnelled their way into Jammu. Central intelligence agencies are now wary of the terror net spreading into the hinterland from Punjab, where Pakistan-based Babbar Khalsa International and Khalistan Zindabad Force have been trying to fish in troubled waters.

Bringing normalcy in Jammu and Kashmir will be the single biggest challenge for the next government. The first priority will be the strengthening of the police, which needs its own command structure to maintain law and order and carry out counter-terror operations. With the presence of more than half a dozen security forces, Jammu and Kashmir continues to have the country’s highest concentration of boots on the ground. Additional Army troops are being deployed to secure the higher reaches of Jammu from terrorist infiltration.

Traditionally, there is a three-tier security grid on the international border. The Border Security Force forms the first line of defence; the Army forms the second; and the police forms the third. Swain, whose tenure saw several steps being taken to strengthen the police, will retire amid the polls on September 30. He will be succeeded by Nalin Prabhat, a 1992-batch officer of the Andhra Pradesh cadre. Swain has been instrumental in dismantling the terror ecosystem to a large extent, at times even ruffling the feathers of politicians.

Preventing terror-related violence requires a strong government, unbiased bureaucrats and a vigilant police. Since geopolitical dynamics will continue to influence the border situation, the elected political leadership will need to have absolute clarity regarding its approach towards Pakistan. For peace, it is imperative that New Delhi and Srinagar are on the same page.

“Increased militancy in Jammu and Kashmir has been a result of unresolved political problems and a trust deficit between New Delhi and J&K,” said M.M. Ansari, who was an interlocutor for Jammu and Kashmir during 2010-2011. “The Centre must adhere to democratic principles of governance without using draconian laws like the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act.”

A drive through the tiny lanes of downtown Srinagar makes it evident how peace in recent times has brought back some sense of normalcy. Glass windows adorn brick buildings, where artisans are back in business. Two decades ago, when stone throwing first became widespread, the popularity of glass windows had taken a hit. Peace, it seems, has brought them back in favour.

Yasmina, one of the women artisans at Eidgah, Srinagar, once a nerve centre of militancy, has been working to revive the traditional spinning wheel craft with modern, foot-operated charkhas. “It is faster and safer for working long hours. If we work hard, we can earn more profits,” said a hopeful Yasmina.

Helping her and other local artisans revive their craft is Mujtaba Kadri, a businessman who said GI tags and QR codes were helping them take their products to foreign shores. Kadri hopes that the artisans would be able to increase their wages and profit margins if peace continues to prevail.

“It is time Jammu and Kashmir is freed from those profiting from conflict,” said Bidhuri, “and [is allowed to] build on the gains it has made so far.”

jammu-and-kashmir-upcoming-assembly-elections-scenario-analysis

Fri Aug 23 16:34:47 IST 2024

What makes the upcoming assembly polls in Jammu and Kashmir different from previous ones is the altered constitutional framework. The reorganisation post the scrapping of Article 370 brought Jammu and Kashmir under the full purview of the Constitution. Thus, the new government will have to operate without the autonomy that the laws once provided.

Established regional parties like the National Conference (NC) and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) have been grappling with this new reality. To stay relevant, their focus is now on the demand for the restoration of statehood and the need to address issues related to employment, land ownership, inflation, high tariffs and a deep sense of disempowerment among voters.

Imran Nabi Dar, the NC’s chief spokesperson, referred to the upcoming polls as an “alien election”. “This election is being held after Jammu and Kashmir was ruled by bureaucrats for 10 years,” he said. “It surpasses the six-year Central rule in the 1990s, after which elections were held in 1996.”

As the polls draw near, a high-stakes battle is shaping up between the NC and the PDP on one side and the BJP on the other. The BJP must prove that the voiding of Article 370 has restored normalcy and set Jammu and Kashmir on a development path. For the Congress, which aligns with the regional parties, the polls are an opportunity to reassert its role in the region, particularly in Jammu. The task of challenging the BJP, however, largely rests on the NC. With a strong organisational structure, the NC has managed to navigate the choppy political waters after the voiding of Article 370. In contrast, the PDP, which emerged as a formidable force after its 2002 assembly polls victory, has had significant setbacks. Several of its leaders and workers are now with the Apni Party, founded by former PDP leader Altaf Bukhari in March 2020.

The PDP’s influence has been on the wane in its strongholds―Anantnag, Pulwama, Shopian and Kulgam. The NC has been reluctant to join hands with the weakened PDP, as many of its leaders believe that going it alone would be more beneficial. “The PDP is our main rival,” said a senior NC leader. “An alliance with them during their crisis will help them, not us. It will hurt us in the future.”

The NC was in alliance with the Congress and the CPI(M) in the Lok Sabha polls. The party led in 34 of 54 assembly segments in the three Lok Sabha constituencies in Kashmir: Srinagar, Baramulla and Anantnag-Rajouri. The BJP and the Congress chose not to contest these seats, focusing instead on the two Jammu constituencies―Udhampur and Jammu. The BJP led in 29 assembly segments in these two seats; the Congress led in seven.

On August 21, Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge arrived in Srinagar, where they are expected to hold seat-sharing talks with the NC leadership. According to the NC leader, there was a possibility of a “tactical alliance” with the Congress in the Muslim-majority regions of the Pir Panjal range and Chenab Valley, which together have 11 assembly seats where the NC is in direct contest with the BJP. In the remaining Jammu constituencies, the BJP will primarily compete with the Congress.

Unlike in the Lok Sabha polls, the BJP plans to field candidates in Kashmir. “We will have candidates in 25 to 30 seats,” said Sofi Yousuf, vice president of the BJP’s state unit. “We expect to win five to ten.”

The party’s focus, however, will remain on Jammu, where it had won a record 25 seats in the 2014 assembly polls. Observers, however, say the BJP needs to address the growing disenchantment among supporters in the region, as evident from the decline in the party’s vote share in the Lok Sabha polls―from 46 per cent in 2019 to 24.4 per cent in 2024.

The BJP is facing a slew of challenges in Jammu―frustration among voters because of the prolonged political vacuum, anger at the new rules affecting local businesses, and discontent rooted in unemployment, inflation and rising electricity bills.

The BJP-led Union government has implemented several measures to offset these problems. It added six assembly seats in the region through delimitation, introduced reservations for the Pahari and Paddari tribes, and Kolis and Gadda Brahmins, and included 15 new castes in the list of Other Backward Classes.

Dar said the new assembly seats carved out by the Delimitation Commission have altered the power balance between Kashmir and Jammu. “There are also five nominations [to the assembly] with voting rights to be made by the governor,” he said. “That makes it 47 seats in Kashmir, 43 in Jammu, plus five nominations.”

The BJP has also introduced reservation in jobs for those living near the international border in Jammu, and granted citizenship rights to refugees from west Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. One of the five nominated members in the assembly would be from the refugee community from PoK. “This time we will fight elections in Kashmir and do well,” said Nirmal Singh, chairman of the BJP’s election committee and former deputy chief minister.

Dar said those who opposed the BJP faced serious challenges. “They will need to give the mandate to one party, as they have witnessed BJP rule for ten years now,” he said.

Political analysts say only a united front of regional parties can prevent the BJP from forming government. “They (the parties) need to work out an arrangement; otherwise, all of them stand to lose. They can agree on seat-sharing based on the leads in assembly segments,” said Noor Ahmed Baba, former head of the department of political science at the University of Kashmir, Srinagar.

The polls will also decide the fate of the parties that the NC and the PDP label as the BJP’s proxies―the Apni Party, the Democratic Progressive Azad Party (DPAP), and the People’s Conference. While the Apni Party has struggled to gain traction, the DPAP, led by former Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad, is yet to establish itself as a credible alternative. The People’s Conference, led by Sajad Lone, has support in North Kashmir, particularly in Kupwara district, but its broader appeal is doubtful.

Waheed Parra, the PDP’s youth president who came second in Srinagar in the Lok Sabha polls, said the assembly polls were about reclaiming what the people had lost. “There is a complete sense of dispossession in Jammu and Kashmir,” he said.

With institutions being mostly run by people from outside Jammu and Kashmir, there is a strong desire among local residents to reclaim their political space. “This is what makes this election so important,” said Parra. “While it may be too much to expect that the government will fully meet expectations, it will help alleviate some of the fear.”

Those who reached voting age since the previous assembly polls in 2014 are eager to elect a government that listens to their concerns. Kashif Amin Malik, a 24-year-old student from Noorabad in Kulgam district, belongs to this new generation. “Some people don’t understand the power of their vote,” said Malik, who voted in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. “If you don’t vote, you can’t elect the person you want to represent you in the assembly. That is self-disempowerment.”

Muzamil Ahmed of Pulwama said the present administration was disconnected from issues that the people face. “Even when matters are brought to their attention, it takes time to fix problems because approval has to come from the lieutenant governor,” he said.

Day-to-day problems such as water scarcity and inadequate transportation, he said, are best addressed by local politicians who are connected to their communities. “A local politician is aware of these problems because he experiences them himself,” said Ahmed.

Power supply is a major concern for Muhammad Amin, a 21-year-old political science student from Lolab, close to the Line of Control in Kupwara. “Electricity supply is erratic, and outages are frustrating, especially in winter,” he said. Lolab, according to him, has also been neglected as a tourist destination.

Across Kashmir, there is demand for an elected government that understands the aspirations of the youth. What seems an added motivation for the youth to vote is the way the two MPs from Kashmir, Agha Syed Ruhullah Mehdi and Mian Altaf Ahmed Larvi, raised the issue of abrogation of Article 370 and other matters concerning Kashmir in Parliament.

Even older voters are upbeat. “The first time I voted was in the 1987 assembly polls,” said Mushtaq Ahmed, 60, owner of a department store in the upmarket Balgarden area of Srinagar. “I had voted for the Muslim Mutahida Mahaz (Muslim United Front, or MUF).”

The MUF was a coalition of separatist parties that challenged the dominant National Conference. The polls were rigged in favour of the NC, leading to anger among MUF supporters. A year later, militancy erupted.

“I voted again in the Lok Sabha polls this year because the situation in Jammu and Kashmir has been difficult after the reading down of Article 370. We have been disempowered,” said Ahmed.

In Jammu, too, people feel that the increased powers of the lieutenant governor have undermined democracy. “Democracy must stay alive; otherwise, it doesn’t take much time for a Bangladesh-like situation,” said Ashok Sharma of Jammu. “Democracy is the identity of India, and people can’t be treated like cattle.”

The demand of voters seems clear: a government that listens, understands and acts on their behalf. Whether the first assembly polls under the new political order would be able to deliver it will be closely watched, not just in India but abroad as well.

jammu-and-kashmir-police-director-general-r-r-swain-interview

Sat Aug 24 11:56:35 IST 2024

Interview/ R.R. Swain, Director-General, Jammu and Kashmir Police

ABOUT THREE DOZEN Pakistani terrorists entered the border areas of Samba, Kathua and Hiranagar through tunnels during the three-month-long Lok Sabha elections to carry out attacks in Jammu. It was a new challenge for security agencies because unlike in the Kashmir valley, where indoctrination drives terrorism, it is the lure of money that is feeding the terror ecosystem in Jammu. “The people who are guiding the terrorists are doing it for money,” says R.R. Swain, director-general of Jammu and Kashmir police, in an exclusive interview. He says the police are focusing on village defence committees and setting up border police stations with night vision devices and better technology to defeat terrorism. Excerpts:

Q/ Many soldiers lost their lives in terror attacks in Jammu recently. Is terrorism back in Jammu after long years of peace?

A/ Terror threats in the Jammu region have been there for some time. In October 2021, we witnessed a terror attack in Poonch district, where five soldiers were killed in an ambush. There have also been drone attacks, including those targeting the Air Force facility in Jammu in June 2021. So it is not a recent phenomenon. For almost three years, the adversary has been trying to deflect the pressure [caused by the] tightening of security in the valley. A suicide attack was planned on the eve of the prime minister’s visit for a rural development programme in the Palli village on the outskirts of Jammu in April 2022. Two foreign terrorists attempted a suicide attack but were neutralised. During the exchange of fire, one CISF assistant sub-inspector lost his life and some others were injured. So Jammu has always been on the radar.

Q/ Is there any evidence of Pakistan support to the terror attacks in Jammu?

A/ How can a tunnel be dug from the other side (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir) without the knowledge or support of the Pakistani army? Usually the length of these tunnels varies between 350 to 600 metres and it will take at least 30 days for digging up. These activities cannot be hidden from anyone as it requires logistical support and manpower to make it operational. There will be enough movement in the area when the terrorists use it and it cannot be done without the knowledge of the Pakistani state.

Q/ It is said that these terrorists belong to the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa region and trained alongside the Taliban.

A/ We know for sure that the two suicide attackers who attempted a terror strike days before the prime minister’s visit to Jammu were non-Urdu and non-Sindhi speakers and in all probability spoke Pashto. Pakistan has a sizeable Pashto-speaking population on its side of the Durand Line even though it is the language of the dominant population in the southern and eastern regions of Afghanistan. These are badlands without any control and these people are battle-hardened. They have trained with outfits like Jaish-e-Mohammed and other terrorist outfits who have openly rallied there in March and April, urging the youth to join them and move into India.

Q/ Is Jammu becoming a fertile ground for radicalised youth who take up arms?

A/ There is less indoctrination and fewer ideology-driven terror activities in Jammu than in Kashmir. Rather, it is the lure of money through narcotics and criminal syndicates that is being used for smuggling of drugs, arms and ammunition that is feeding the terror ecosystem. In Jammu, Kathua and Samba, the people who are guiding the terrorists are doing it for money and gradually a fear factor is inculcated in them as they get indexed in Pakistan once their handlers record their videos and identify their families.

Q/ Will the security environment allow the peaceful conduct of the assembly elections?

A/ As far as providing security is concerned, we are absolutely committed to it and we don’t see that as a challenge. We overcame these threats and challenges during the Lok Sabha polls and the outcome has been extremely positive and encouraging, as a large number of people stepped out of their homes to participate in the electoral process.

Q/ Has the alienation of local people over the years led to human intelligence drying up in J&K?

A/ This theory has no evidence. It is a conjecture because human intelligence is still flowing as it used to be in the past few years. The difference between intelligence gathering in the valley and in Jammu is that while most areas in the valley are connected by road or telecommunication facilities, in mountain regions it takes hours to reach from one spot to another and there is no road or mobile connectivity. Therefore, there is a gap between getting information about the movement of terrorists and reacting to it quickly. This gap between active information and action has to be reduced by way of dominating the heights. Unless we occupy the heights and reach quickly, there is bound to be a time lapse. The J&K Police, like all forces deployed in J&K, has its own challenges of manpower, but efforts are being made to occupy the heights in a way that the enemy does not have an advantage.

Q/ How is the J&K Police engaging the local population in far-flung areas?

A/ We have selected villages where we are supporting village defence committees and setting up border police stations, enabling them with night-vision devices, better equipment and technology to create a deterrent. A village defence committee has approximately fifteen persons, mostly young and able-bodied men who are keen to act as volunteers to assist the local police. We are offering them incentives such as permanent jobs in the police force if they demonstrate courage in collecting information and the action against terrorists and also meet the criteria such as age, height and so on. We also offer liberal cash rewards for doing something that can be directly linked to protection of community, installations and public assets.

jammu-and-kashmir-lieutenant-governor-manoj-sinha-interview

Fri Aug 23 14:48:54 IST 2024

When Sheikh Abdullah was sworn in as chief minister on July 9, 1977 after the National Conference won the assembly polls, it marked the end of the first spell of governor’s rule in Jammu and Kashmir. The polls were regarded as the first free and fair elections in the state, where large-scale rigging had dented the credibility of the democratic process, and the credit went to prime minister Morarji Desai.

Manoj Sinha, lieutenant governor of Jammu and Kashmir, says free and fair elections were held for the second time in the state in 2002 when A.B. Vajpayee was prime minister and the third time in 2014, after Narendra Modi became prime minister. “Otherwise, there used to be a collector saab here and two kinds of MLAs were chosen―one by the public and the other by the collector saab,” says Sinha in an exclusive interview with THE WEEK. And he thinks the Union territory is ready for another free and fair election. “In the past five years, after the abrogation of Article 370, people’s faith in the Constitution and democratic process has gone up,” he says.

A three-time Lok Sabha member from Ghazipur, Uttar Pradesh, Sinha was a minister of state in the first Modi government. He was said to be in the race for the post of Uttar Pradesh chief minister when the BJP won the assembly elections in 2017. He took charge as lieutenant governor of Jammu and Kashmir in August 2020.

Sinha is a postgraduate in civil engineering, and he started his political career while studying at the Indian Institute of Technology (Banaras Hindu University) Varanasi, where he was elected president of the students’ union. A portrait of his idol Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, who founded BHU, adorns a wooden bookcase in Sinha’s office in Srinagar. “Mahamana (Malviya) worked tirelessly to raise national consciousness among people,” he says. Sinha asserts that the sovereignty and integrity of the country are non-negotiable. “Constructive criticism is always welcome,” he says. “But if there is criticism that fuels terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir, threatening the unity and sovereignty of the country, then it is dangerous.” Edited excerpts from the interview conducted at the Raj Bhawan on August 11:

Q/ The Election Commission has set the ball rolling for the assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir. Is the environment conducive for polls?

A/ When Article 370 and 35(A) were abrogated on August 5, 2019, the Union home minister said in Parliament that there would be delimitation first, then assembly elections and statehood at an appropriate time. This was reiterated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well. Recently, when the prime minister addressed a public meeting in Jammu and Kashmir, he said assembly elections would be held soon. The Election Commission was here for a few days and held consultations with all stakeholders. On behalf of the administration, we told them that the assembly elections could be held.

It is pertinent to note that after the J&K Reorganisation Act, the number of assembly seats had gone up. A need arose for demarcation of boundaries and the Delimitation Commission was constituted to carry out this work. It is a time-consuming exercise. The commission, set up under Justice Ranjana Desai, made visits to J&K and held meetings with stakeholders in J&K and Delhi. The recent Lok Sabha elections were an indicator that J&K was ready for polls. We saw more than 58 per cent voter turnout, especially in the valley, which is the highest in three and a half decades. We can easily conclude that the atmosphere is conducive to polls.

Q/ How confident are you that the elections will be free and fair?

A/ The conduct of free and fair elections used to be a huge challenge in J&K. If you ask the common man, he will tell you that free and fair polls have been held only thrice―when Morarji Desai, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi were prime ministers. Otherwise, there used to be a collector saab here and two kinds of MLAs were chosen―one by the public and the other by the collector saab. In the last five years, after the abrogation of Article 370, people’s faith in the Constitution and democratic process has gone up. This message has been conveyed to the people of this country and the rest of the world. It has definitely been an achievement to conduct free and fair general elections. I am confident that there will be free and fair assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir.

Q/ You served as lieutenant governor for four out of five years in J&K since the abrogation of Article 370. When you look back, what are the achievements? Is there unfinished work?

A/ I see the past five years as the dawn of peace, prosperity and development in J&K. Under the vision of PM Modi, we got the strength to fulfil the aspirations of people and usher in development without discrimination. The women of J&K were deprived of basic rights like entitlement to property if they were married outside the state. The large-scale discrimination came to an end with the abrogation of Article 370. Benefits have been extended to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes, even as reservation under ST category was extended to communities like Paharis and Gujjar-Bakarwals. Voting rights have also been given to west Pakistani refugees.

A three-tier panchayati raj system has been implemented and social security schemes have brought relief to the old and widowed. The patwari raj is over, as all land records have been digitised. The common man feels empowered as there is transparency and accountability in the system. The Public Services Guarantee Act allows citizens to avail more than 1,100 online services that are time-bound.

Another key indicator of development is air, road and rail connectivity. Highway and tunnel projects worth Rs1.5 lakh crore are under implementation. The travel time from Jammu to Srinagar has reduced from eight to five hours. Villages with at least 250 people are connected by roads. The Katra-Delhi greenfield expressway will be operational this year. Srinagar has 140 flights daily, against 20 or 22 earlier, while the number of flights from Jammu has grown from six to 48 a day. The Kashmir-Kanyakumari rail link will be operational this year. Tourist influx, too, has increased more than two and a half times to 2.11 crore last year.

After independence, the total private investment was Rs13,000-14,000 crore till 2021. After we announced the new industrial scheme, we have received investment proposals to the tune of Rs1,25,000 crore. Currently, projects worth Rs28,000 crore are on the ground and some of them will get completed in a few months, while others may take a few years.

Q/ How are you dealing with unemployment?

A/ Nearly 43,000 government jobs have been given in the past five years. The focus is also on self-employment by giving financial help for enterprises. Jammu and Kashmir has achieved the first rank among all states and UTs for projects established under the prime minister’s employment generation programme for the year 2023-24. During 2023-24 alone, employment has been generated for 1,20,296 people. Significant work is being done in agriculture, horticulture and allied sectors for creating more job opportunities for the youth. More than eight lakh self-employment opportunities have been created in the past five years. We aim to create more than eight lakh self-employment opportunities through the synergy of Central and UT administration schemes.

Besides, nearly nine lakh women are affiliated to self-help groups and special support is being given to the handicraft sector. Handloom and handicraft exports have doubled from 0563 crore in 2021-22 to Rs1,162.29 crore in 2023-24. In the handicraft and handloom sector, 5,682 cooperative societies have been registered in J&K, a massive increase of 1,800 per cent from 2020.

Forty-six new industrial estates are coming up and the New Startup Policy 2024-27 will provide fiscal and non-fiscal support to startups, thus spearheading the rise of Jammu & Kashmir entrepreneurs in the national and global startup ecosystem. The number of startups registered with the department for promotion of industry and internal trade increased to 825 in 2024. A total of 1,600 startups and 269 women-led startups have been registered with the Entrepreneurship Development Institute of India.

Q/ Is the terror theatre shifting from Kashmir to Jammu?

A/ When I first came to Jammu and Kashmir, the terror threat in the valley was a major area of concern for the entire country, and a strategy was formulated to counter it effectively. It is not just statistics, but there are no stone-pelting incidents today and people are leading normal lives. There is a sharp decline in the killings of civilians as well as security personnel. Almost all terror commanders of terrorist groups have been eliminated by security forces. Even the local recruitment is at the lowest levels.

The neighbour (Pakistan) is feeling the heat and anxious after seeing peace, development and the faith in the democratic system displayed during the recent Lok Sabha elections. Pakistan has suddenly become active and is pushing in terrorists. A large number of terrorists are present at launch-pads across both Jammu and Kashmir regions. For the past one and a half years, Pakistan has been trying to create disturbance in the Jammu region, which remained peaceful for almost 15 years.

As peace prevailed, security forces deployed in the upper reaches had been withdrawn over time. It is unfortunate that terror attacks have taken place in the past 3-4 months, claiming lives of soldiers and citizens. The Union home minister is revising the strategy, and the Army, the CRPF and the J&K Police are strengthening their deployment in upper reaches. I am hoping there will be a turnaround in the terror situation in Jammu in the next three months.

Q/ Has fresh infiltration taken place, resulting in terror attacks in Jammu?

A/ It is true that infiltration has taken place both in the Jammu and Kashmir regions. The recent encounter in Anantnag was the direct fight between security forces and terrorists at nearly 10,000 feet. The terrorists are trying to take advantage of the heights, but we are confident that our security forces will be successful. When there was ceasefire between India and Pakistan, people on both sides benefited, but the neighbour became unhappy. Security forces have noticed the use of tunnels and nullahs to send in terrorists. Pakistan is unable to provide any facilities to its people on the other side of the border and is trying to create disturbance here to deflect attention. We have defeated their designs in the past and will give an adequate response. We are not just doing a headcount of terrorists, but dismantling the entire terror ecosystem by identifying those who are lending logistic and financial support to terrorists. We have sacked more than 70 government employees who were part of this ecosystem.

Q/ The Union government has given more powers to the LG. There is concern that the powers of the elected chief minister will be diminished.

A/ There is no truth in it because these powers were already there in the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019. It was enacted by Parliament and has the stamp of the Supreme Court. People who take oath on the Constitution of India should not raise this question. There has been no amendment because that would have required approval by Parliament. It is just a notification issued by the government. It is not very different from any other Union territory in the country. And if both the elected government and the lieutenant governor work towards peace and progress, how can there be any difference? The elected government will get complete support of the office of the LG if it wants to work towards peace and development of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q/ A similar arrangement in Delhi has seen a constant slugfest between the LG and the elected government.

A/ I would like to remind you that Delhi also had an elected chief minister in Sheila Dikshit for 15 years and there was a period when the Vajpayee government was at the Centre, but there was no clash of any kind. In fact, the transfers and postings of police officers used to happen on the recommendation of Dikshit. I firmly believe that if a fine balance is maintained and the objective is peace, a flourishing economy and the welfare of people, then there should not be any clash.

Q/ Are you concerned about hartals, bandhs and political violence returning to J&K when the political process begins?

A/ If there are protests by common people or political parties in a democratic way and within the tenets of the Constitution, then I have no problem. But if there are actions that endanger the safety, sovereignty and integrity of the country or challenge the unity of the nation, then I will exercise the powers vested in me by the Constitution.

Q/ It is said that the voice of dissent has been crushed in J&K. How will you ensure that people are able to express difference of opinion?

A/ There are many platforms for the voice of the common man to be heard, and his voice is being heard. It is a small section that feels its voice isn’t heard. I would like to take this opportunity to tell people that it is their democratic right to criticise our work if there are deficiencies. Constructive criticism is always welcome. But if there is criticism that fuels terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir threatening the unity and sovereignty of the country, then it is dangerous. Freedom of speech is not an absolute right; it requires responsibility as well, and the makers of our Constitution spoke of caution while exercising it. It is only people who want to misuse these platforms who have a problem. The common man has no problem.

Q/ The Lok Sabha elections saw an independent candidate, Engineer Rashid, who contested from prison getting elected. Is there an apprehension that the separatist sentiment is still alive in J&K?

A/ Many seats in the country have seen such people come to power. In our democratic system, there is no way to stop anyone from fighting elections. But sometimes an emotional appeal can become an issue, but those who whip up sentiments to garner votes cannot fool voters for a long time. We also expect voters to understand that when they praise the peace process and want development and progress, they should also remember that if they vote for those who work against that, peace process can never bring success.

Q/ Do you see new leaders emerging in the assembly polls? There are allegations that the Centre may prop up proxies.

A/ I feel some new faces will surely enter the election fray this time. I completely deny that the government is propping up any proxies in the polls. The Lok Sabha elections are proof that the Central government did not prop up any proxies. Otherwise how could these people (like Engineer Rashid) win?

Q/ The proscribed Jamaat-e-Islami is planning to contest the assembly polls. Is a banned organisation allowed to mobilise people during the polls?

A/ There is no law that stops anyone from fighting elections. If Parliament makes a law, then they can be stopped. But until that happens, anyone can fight elections. But the ban will continue and whatever action needs to be taken as part of the implementation of the ban will continue.

Q/ Will statehood be restored in J&K after the elections?

A/ The sequence will remain the same as outlined by the home minister. Statehood will be restored at an appropriate time. Let us wait for an appropriate time.

Q/ What about withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special) Powers Act?

A/ There have been terror incidents in J&K, but when things return to normalcy we can surely think about it.

Q/ Will the panchayat elections happen next year?

A/ We could have held panchayat and urban local bodies polls earlier but it was important that the reservation for OBCs is implemented. Parliament had to make changes. Now, after the completion of the assembly polls, the elections to the panchayats and urban local bodies can be held. It can happen this year itself if the weather permits.

Q/ What is the way forward for Pakistan-occupied Kashmir?

A/ We have already reserved two seats in the assembly for Kashmiri pandits and one for displaced residents of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The government of India has already taken care of it and the way forward will be decided by New Delhi.

america-ready-to-elect-kamala-harris-because-she-is-the-best-nancy-pelosi

Sat Aug 17 17:22:44 IST 2024

Exclusive Interview/ Nancy Pelosi, Speaker Emerita, United States

Nancy Pelosi opens her latest book, The Art of Power, describing what was perhaps the most traumatic day of her life, personally. It was early in the morning on October 28, 2022, and she was in her apartment in Washington, DC. She was woken up by the Capitol Police and told that her husband, Paul, had been attacked at their home in San Francisco. The attacker had come for Pelosi, to punish her for being the “leader of the pack” against the former president Donald Trump. Paul suffered hammer blows to his head and doctors had to reshape his skull to save his life. Pelosi says she has been struggling with guilt ever since, but the attack seems to have strengthened the 84-year-old leader’s resolve to lead the fight against Trump.

Former speaker of the US House of Representatives, Pelosi, spoke with THE WEEK on August 12 about the Democratic Party’s campaign against Trump in the presidential elections. She sounded upbeat about the chances of Vice President Kamala Harris and said that she looked forward to not being the most powerful woman in American politics after Harris’s victory against Trump. About nudging President Joe Biden to quit the presidential race, she felt that the decision was about winnability. “You make every decision in favour of winning. And I wanted the decision to be as strong as possible,” she said. She also spoke about the legislative records of Biden and Barack Obama, the limits of bipartisanship and the potential of India-US relations. Edited excerpts from the exclusive interview:

Q/In your latest book, The Art of Power, you explain how you famously tangled with Donald Trump when he was president. You were a target, your home was a target, and your husband was attacked. The US is now in yet another election season. Do the scars still remain?

There are scars of trauma on our country when we have political violence. It must be stopped. There are paths that lead up to it that are self-evident, which must be stopped in terms of the politics of personal destruction and the rest, which the Republicans do all the time. Thank you for asking about my husband. He is improving and hopefully when it is two years, which will be at the end of October, we are hoping that he will have made even more progress with his therapy and the rest. But, for our children and our grandchildren, the trauma is not just that he was attacked, but that the Republican former president, his family and the Republican governors thought it was really funny. And that was really traumatising, too, for our family. But forget about them. They are who they are. We had thousands and thousands of messages of love and prayers and thoughtfulness from all over the world. I was at Normandy for the D-Day observance at the beginning of June, and every veteran―these are people in their late 90s or early 100s who had participated in the Normandy invasion to turn around World War II to the Allies’ advantage―asked how my husband was. It was so moving and meant so much to him.

Q/ The Art of Power speaks about your transformation from being a housewife and how you really took up cudgels for women and became the most powerful woman politician in America.

I keep saying to anyone who wants to run for public office, ‘Know your why’. My ‘why’ was that one in five children in America lived in poverty, went to sleep hungry at night. As a mother of five, I found that totally unacceptable. So my volunteerism in the Democratic Party before I even ran for office was motivated by that ‘why’. And I say that to people because this is not for the faint of heart. It is rough out there. And if you don’t know your ‘why’, it is hard to take it. But if you know your ‘why’, you know it’s worth it.

I am not saying that getting your husband hit over the head is worth it, but the slings and arrows that you will receive, politically speaking, make it worth it. The children make it worth it. I never intended to run for office. I was asked to run. I didn’t have any ambition to. People encouraged me to do that. It was a tough campaign, but I won. It was the same running for leadership. I never thought about running, but people encouraged me to do so. And I got tired of losing elections. The Democrats in Congress would lose [the elections in] 1994, 96, 98 and 2000. So I said, ‘Ok, I know how to win elections’. We won. And winning was a very persuasive motivation for me to become speaker of the house.

Q/Yesterday (August 11) you welcomed Vice President Kamala Harris back to California at a fundraiser. You said she brought so much joy and hope. You were the first woman speaker of the US. And now Harris could be the first woman president, the first black woman president and the first Indian American president.

I think the United States is ready to elect Kamala Harris because she is the best. I am very thrilled and I look forward to not being the most powerful woman in politics in America when she will become president of the United States. Now, Kamala happens to be a woman. She happens to be black. She happens to be an Indian American. But she is the best. And that’s why people should be voting for her. That’s why I think she will win. I think that whatever questions people might have about a woman… are completely offset by her excellence.

I know her very well for a long time. She is a person of deep faith, which motivates her public service to care for other people and to do so, again, with liberty and justice for all. She is a person of great strength. She knows her policy. She knows the strategy about it. And she is a fighter for the people.... It has been her motivation always, as district attorney and as attorney general. She is politically very astute. It was hard for her to win the district attorney race, even harder to become attorney general. But she managed that. It got easier to become a senator and the vice president. So she knows why she’s in this. She has served with Joe Biden and produced great change for our country.

Kamala takes great pride in her heritage, her mother being born in India, raised her and gave her great guidance and her African-American background as well. She went to Howard University, which is a historically black university in our country. So she’s always taken pride. And I do believe she will win. We made a decision that we would not elect that other guy to the White House. And President Biden made a decision in favour of Kamala Harris.

Q/You played a key role in persuading President Biden to quit the race. How did you and the Democratic Party manage to convince the president? And has it affected your relationship with him?

I really have avoided answering the question about any conversations I have with the president, and I hope it has not had an effect on our relationship. I have admired him for over 40 years. I wasn’t even in Congress yet when I saw him in action as a senator. So I love him very much. I pray over our decisions that we have to make. I’m sad about some of it, but winning an election is a decision. You make a decision to win and you make every decision in favour of winning. And I wanted the decision to be as strong as possible. He could have decided that he would be the candidate and his campaign would become stronger. He made a different decision. I respect him for that. And then he immediately endorsed Kamala. We had thought that there would be perhaps an open process [to select the new candidate] so that people could see the significant talent that we have. As soon as the president endorsed her, it was an open process. But she won. Kamala is very politically astute. So we are excited about her candidacy.

Q/Your book explains how closely you worked with President Biden. How do you look at his record? Will it help Harris?

We are grateful to the president for being one of the most consequential presidents our country has seen in modern times. He and Kamala together did great things, including creating 15 million jobs. The other guy [Trump] has the worst job creation record since Herbert Hoover, who was president during the Great Depression, whose policies caused the Great Depression. President Biden and Kamala did great things, like the American Rescue Package to save us from Covid. The previous president was in denial and many people died. Joe Biden came in [with] Kamala Harris, shots in the arms, money in the pockets, children safely in school, workers safely back to work. A child tax credit taking over 50 per cent of the children out of poverty. A bipartisan infrastructure bill to create jobs, also having a piece of it to protect our environment from the climate crisis. The CHIPS (Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors) Act and the PACT (Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics) Act, which addressed the concerns of our veterans who had been exposed to burn pits―a million of them already have had benefits from it. And then the IRA (Inflation Reduction Act) to save our planet, $370 billion allocated in public, private and non-profit partnerships to stop the assault on our environment. That bill also reduced the cost of prescription drugs, something we have been trying to do for a long time, but were not able to do because of the power of the industry. But we were able to do it under Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.

People don’t elect you for what you have done. They elect you for what they hope you will do. So we have some unfinished business about housing, about child care, about family and medical leave. And Kamala puts it forth with great clarity, with great determination, removes all doubt that kitchen table issues of America’s working families will be addressed under her leadership when she becomes the next president of the United States.

Q/The two issues that dominate the elections are abortion rights and immigration. While Harris is strong on reproductive rights, the Republicans have an advantage on border security.

A woman’s right to choose is a personal freedom issue. It is also an economic issue for families―the size, the timing, and if they’re going to have a family or increase the size of their family. So this is something that women and families across America feel very concerned about. When I visited India many years ago, women would say, ‘Please make sure that we have access to family planning’. Of course, India has had a prime minister, Indira Gandhi, so you have led the way in that regard. But I am talking about poor women in the community. In the Congress, we had a bill on the floor that said women had a right to contraception. How many Republicans do you think voted for that? None of them voted for women having the right to choose, but you expect that. That’s what they believe.... Women see who is there in their interest.

Q/What about immigration and the border?

The Republicans made a big mistake when they refused to pass the bipartisan bill [on border security] in the house. It passed in the senate in a bipartisan way. And the senate is hard because you need 60 votes. But they got that. It wasn’t a bill I would have written, but it was a bill that I would accept because it helped solve the problem. And it would be signed by the president of the United States, Joe Biden. The Republicans in the house refused to bring it up. People admit now that that was a big mistake. We know there is a path for us to get to having better policy, that everything with our immigration system is not working the way it should. And Kamala Harris understands that. But she also has been really a leader [who was asked] what are the causes of this migration to the United States? What are the causes in Latin America, for example? She has visited there. It’s about the economy there. It’s about violence there. It’s about the climate crisis. Farmers are not able to farm because of droughts. So they don’t have a job and they don’t have food. So they migrate to the United States. You’d be surprised how many people here are Dreamers―those who came with their families when they were children. We want to be able to say these people are a blessing to us. Immigration is what has made America great. The best speech ever about it was by Ronald Reagan. He talked about America being preeminent in the world because we have newcomers who bring their hope, optimism, courage and determination to make the future better for their families. He said when the door was open, we would remain preeminent. When we close that door, we will not be preeminent in the world.

So we recognise that we are a nation of immigrants. We do have to fix the system so that we have a proper process to accommodate people coming here or just tell them not to come if they don’t meet the standard of coming into our country. But it is a challenge because the Republicans go around saying all these people are crooks and thieves and dangerous. And that’s not what this is about. There have been solutions that the Republicans have rejected. Now what we have to do is win the house so that when we get a bill in the senate, we can pass it in the house of representatives as well. One of the reasons the [Republican-led] house didn’t do it, though, is they didn’t want Biden to have this victory.

Q/In your book, you describe that as speaker of the house, you tried to find common ground with all the presidents you worked with. There were also times when you stood your ground.

My flagship issue, of course, was the Affordable Care Act (the health care reform under president Obama), and that was a challenge because we have regional differences in our country. We’re very diverse. We take pride in that. And we came together in unity to pass this bill.

I mentioned bills with President Biden which were largely passed with Democratic votes. We had 13 [Republican votes] for the infrastructure bill. We had 24 for the CHIPS Act. We had zero for the American Rescue Plan to take us out of the depths of Covid. We had zero Republican votes for the climate and reducing the cost of prescription drugs. So we’ve striven for some bipartisanship, but not always achieving it. But it did not mean that the Republicans don’t benefit from these bills and have not showed up at ribbon cuttings and groundbreakings and celebrations for all these things, even though they voted against it because they didn’t want Biden to have any victories. And same thing with Obama. They are anti-science, they are anti-governance. And that’s a sad testimony, but that’s who they are. And then they are against whoever the Democratic president is. Trump really did not have an agenda because he didn’t believe in science or governance. But we did have to keep the government open. And that meant we had to pass the budget bills. So we had to use our leverage. He said he would take pride in shutting down the government. That was beyond silly. That was dangerous. Nonetheless, that’s what he said. So we had to negotiate to keep the government open. The biggest element in that, though, is the public sentiment. President Lincoln said public sentiment was everything. If you are with it, you can do almost anything, and without it, practically nothing. That is very much a part of how we were able to pass our bills and negotiate with Trump when he was president. There are small examples of how, for example, when he did the Abraham Accords, we were all supportive of that. But he said we couldn’t have anything in the bill that helped anybody globally. And then he came to me and said, ‘We need $700 million for Sudan’. I said, ‘If you want $700 million for Sudan, I need $4 billion for vaccines globally’, mostly for children. So there was a negotiation. I got the $4 billion.

They also wanted money to compensate for what we were losing in their trade agreement charges against China. And they said that we cannot have any money for school lunch programmes. So when we gave them the money to correct what they did with China, I got $8 billion for the children. So, again, you cannot negotiate unless they want something. The one thing they did when they [had the presidency and the Congress] was to pass a bill, a tax cut to get 83 per cent of the benefits to the top 1 per cent, adding two trillion dollars to the national debt. And when we wanted to feed the children, they would say it was going to add to the national debt. Anyway, there’s some of the dynamics of where we could come together, and where we could not.

Q/On India-US ties, despite several areas of convergence, the relationship has not always been very smooth. Can Kamala Harris take care of these challenges?

I certainly hope so. I have always been an admirer of India since I was a little girl and learned about Mahatma Gandhi in the 1950s. America learned a great deal from India on non-violence and from Gandhi’s philosophy. Martin Luther King and his wife, Coretta Scott King, went to India and learned more about that. So we feel that connection to India with great respect for India.

The issues between countries have to be dealt with with respect, not with condescension. When John F. Kennedy became president, I was a student, and I went to his inauguration. He said to the people of America, ‘It’s not what our country can do for you, but what you can do for your country’. The next sentence was that the citizens of the world should not ask what America could do for them, but what [could be done] working together for the freedom of mankind. And that’s what Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have been about―respect, not condescension, but cooperation and collaboration. So we learn from each other.

We were just there in India. We visited Prime Minister Modi. It was a very positive visit. We met the Dalai Lama. We thank India for your hospitality to the Tibetans and the Dalai Lama. So we have shared values. But countries act in their interest. From a security standpoint, we have a great deal in common. We just have to have clarity in terms of what the priorities are. Kamala, so proud of her heritage, appreciates the relationship between our two countries. You just have to hear from her because it’s her presidency and her heritage.

We certainly have common ground in many areas and we want to be respectful on how we prioritise the resolution of any differences we may have. We are very blessed with many people from India who are part of the economic success and the values of our country. There are a growing number of people from India in America who have started many successful businesses. So we have a lot to draw upon in terms of that friendship.

―with Ajish P. Joy

nancy-pelosi-says-she-is-happy-to-relinquish-speaker-s-position-in-favour-of-kamala-harris

Sat Aug 17 15:34:55 IST 2024

If you saw my face, I’d be smiling ear to ear,” Nancy Pelosi tells THE WEEK, lighting up the evening sky in India, which is still taking in the euphoria over the chances of Vice President Kamala Harris becoming the next president of the United States.

It is 7:15 in the morning on the American west coast (7:45pm in India) as Pelosi, former speaker of the US House of Representatives and one of the leading power centres in the Democratic Party, settles in for an exclusive conversation. Her infectious enthusiasm easily breaks the gap of time, cultures and civilisation as she bonds over shared experiences of Gandhian philosophy that she marvelled at as a little girl and of imbibing the Dalai Lama’s message of peace.

Pelosi’s arena of public service spans continents and hearts, making her one of the most popular world leaders. “Be yourself. Be ready. And know your power,” writes the 84-year-old leader in her new book, The Art of Power, as she prepares to pass on the baton of being a “mother” of her country’s children to her long-time friend Harris. “I look forward to not being the most powerful woman in politics in America when she will become president of the United States,” says the first woman speaker of the house. And as potential president, Harris is unique. “She happens to be a woman. She happens to be black. She happens to be an Indian-American,” says Pelosi. A gush of joy comes through her words.

When Pelosi was elected to the House of Representatives for the first time in 1987, she was one of just 23 women among its 435 members. Most older male members on the Capitol Hill dismissed her as a wealthy housewife from San Francisco, but by hard work and sheer force of personality she rose to the senior leadership of the house Democrats, which had been a male preserve. Her role models were Lindy Boggs, the legendary Congresswoman from Louisiana, and Sala Burton, another formidable Congresswoman from San Francisco. Burton mentored her and asked her to run for her house seat in San Francisco in 1987 after being diagnosed with cancer.

Pelosi has several creditable achievements as speaker. She kept the divided Democrats together to pass the first major health care bill in generations (the Affordable Care Act, 2010); enact groundbreaking reforms on the Wall Street (the Dodd-Frank Act, 2010); she worked with president Obama for a major stimulus package after the 2008 recession (Recovery Act, 2009) and with President Biden for the American Rescue Plan (2021) after the pandemic. Her tenure as speaker included two separate periods―from 2007 to 2011 and from 2019 to 2023. She was the only speaker since the mid-20th century to return to the position.

More important, Pelosi has carried the dream of the American women whose voices continue to echo in her thoughts. “As late as 2001, no woman had ever served in the top leadership of either party in the house,” she writes in The Art of Power. “This fact hit me when I arrived at the White House for my first meeting with President George W. Bush as part of the Democratic leadership. It was a true first. While other women, who had been appointed as cabinet secretaries, had also been seated at the table as full participants, I was there because I had been selected by my colleagues to represent the house Democratic caucus and reflect their views. I was serving at the will of the house Democrats, not at the pleasure of the president.”

Today, in the loving companionship of her husband and children and well-wishers across geographies, Pelosi has fulfilled the dream of the early suffragists by having a seat at the high table of American politics, and has played a key role in transforming the country’s political landscape. She opposed the Iraq War launched by George W. Bush, earned the China-baiter tag by fighting for human rights and led epic struggles to respond to the 2008 financial crisis, to combat AIDS, to ensure LGBTQIA+ rights and to make affordable health care every citizen’s right.

“There is a spark of divinity in every person that needs to be respected,” she writes, quoting the late John Lewis, legendary civil rights leader and Congressman. And if we ever wondered what Pelosi’s favourite word is, she simply says it is “the Word”, which represents Christ. “Christ participating in our humanity enabled us to participate in His divinity―hence the spark.” Pelosi says its essence has shaped her journey into public service and continues to define her bold decisions and fighting spirit.

The fighting spirit was clearly on display when she weighed in on the candidacy of President Joe Biden for a second term and convinced him to stand down. On July 5, Biden gave an interview to George Stephanopoulos of ABC, primarily to address concerns about his disastrous debate on June 27. The president was categorical that he was not bowing out of the race. “If the Lord Almighty came down and said, ‘Joe, get out of the race,’ I’d get out. But the Lord Almighty is not coming down,” said Biden.

Less than a week later, the president felt the full force of the Democratic establishment hit him, in the form of Pelosi―not quite the Almighty, but in the Democratic Party, it was really close. Once she was convinced that Biden was unlikely to defeat Trump, and that his presence on top of the ticket could sink vulnerable house and senate candidates, Pelosi felt that it was time for Biden to go. On July 10, she appeared on Morning Joe, the MSNBC talk show that Biden watches regularly, and said that his candidacy was not a settled issue. And she said the president needed to make a decision quickly.

Biden resisted as long as he could, but Pelosi continued to work behind the scenes to persuade the president to quit, but she remained respectful, never once publicly offending him. He finally took the hint and quit on July 21.

Pelosi says she will not speak about any conversations she had with the president on the issue. She loves and admires Biden, Pelosi adds, but winning matters the most. “You make a decision to win and you make every decision in favour of winning. And I wanted the decision to be as strong as possible,” she says about Biden stepping down. Pelosi, meanwhile, is hopeful that the chain of events has not had an impact over her four-decade-long friendship with Biden. “I hope it has not had an effect on our relationship,” she says. “I love him very much.”

After remaining silent for three weeks, Biden opened up about his decision to quit in an interview with CBS News on August 11, and he named Pelosi as a decisive influence. “A number of my Democratic colleagues in the house and senate thought that I was going to hurt them in the races,” he said. “And I was concerned if I stayed in the race, that would be the topic. You’d be interviewing me about ‘Why did Nancy Pelosi say…’ ‘Why did so-and-so…’ And I thought it’d be a real distraction.”

Pelosi is confident that Harris is the best person to take on Trump, although many senior Democrats, including herself, had initially favoured an open process to select the new candidate. She says Harris proved to be politically astute, quickly sewing up the Democratic race.

THE WEEK’s conversation with Pelosi revealed that the urge to replace Biden with a more winnable candidate also flowed from her desire to protect the children and the people from the misadventures of Trump. “We made a decision that we would not elect that other guy to the White House,” she says. And, some of it comes from her first-hand experience of the political violence on Capitol Hill on January 6, 2021 that left “scars of trauma” on her country. For instance, The Art of Power speaks about the attack on her home and husband by a deranged Trump supporter months later. What has perhaps troubled her even more was the fact that Trump continues to trivialise the near-fatal attack.

On the policy front, Pelosi is convinced that Trump is clueless and ignorant, and that he did not believe in science or governance. She recollects a conversation she had with him when he was president. Trump told her that he was proud about shutting down the federal government during a showdown with the Pelosi-led house. She says the threat was beyond silly, and also quite dangerous. During the height of the pandemic, Trump was in denial, leading to the loss of more than a million lives. She says his job creation record as president was the worst since the time of Herbert Hoover, who was president during the Great Depression.

“I knew Donald Trump’s mental imbalance. I had seen it up close,” she writes. “His denial and then delays when the Covid pandemic struck, his penchant for repeatedly stomping out of meetings, his foul mouth, his pounding on tables, his temper tantrums, his disrespect for our nation’s patriots, and his total separation from reality and actual events. His repeated, ridiculous insistence that he was the greatest of all time.” No wonder The Art of Power has more than 150 references to Trump, all of them unflattering.

With America facing a make-or-break election, the role of the Congress will come under increased scrutiny, and Pelosi, with her vision and experience could guide the legislative agenda. “When people ask me, ‘What are the three most important issues facing Congress?’ I always answer: our children, our children, our children,” she writes. Children’s health, their education, economic security of their families and a safe environment, including protection from gun violence, dominate her concerns. Not to forget the political violence of which she and her family have been victims.

Her grit and gumption has not been for America alone. When she climbed on board the US Air Force C-40C aircraft, code-named SPAR19, along with five other Congress members on August 2, 2022, to Taiwan, she made history in more ways than one. At one instant, 7,08,000 people were watching her flight, making it one of the most tracked flights in history. China had been raining rockets over Taiwan in the previous days.

Pelosi went ahead with the visit ignoring what she calls “President Xi Jinping’s tantrums” (China sent warships and fighter jets over the Taiwan strait), revelling in the warm welcome offered by thousands of people packing the streets of Taipei. “The city’s tallest building was bathed in light, beaming messages of welcome. I could see the letters U-S-A glowing against the glass as we passed,” recalls Pelosi. China hoped to stare her down, but to no avail.

At the same time, she does not mince words criticising the US habit of ignoring the Chinese government’s religious and ethnic persecution inside its borders, and how Beijing has destabilised other parts of the world. Addressing a major security concern flagged by India, Pelosi writes that China’s sale of missiles and technology to Pakistan and rogue states is a real concern. “When we challenged the executive branch to end that threat to our security, we were told that they punish the buyer of the goods and military equipment, not the seller.” She says the US allowed these violations to happen because they were beholden to corporate America.

A rare global leader to dwell on moral dilemmas, Pelosi confesses her position has often put her at odds with the White House, both under Republicans and Democrats. At times, it has even aligned her with staunch Republicans. “Indeed, one of the strongest expressions of support for my 2022 bipartisan trip to Taiwan came from senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell and 25 other senate Republicans, who immediately issued a statement strongly backing the visit when our plane landed in Taipei,” she writes. “If we as Americans do not speak about human rights in China because of commercial interests, then we lose all moral authority to speak about human rights abuses in any other country in the world.”

While her relationship with China has never been smooth, Pelosi speaks warmly about India and is upbeat about flourishing ties under a possible Harris administration, especially on mutually beneficial areas like security. She acknowledges there are also differences, but says that she wants to be respectful while prioritising their resolution. “And that’s what Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have been about―respect,” she says. “Not condescension, but cooperation and collaboration.”

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has maintained that India-US relations are proofed against political volatility. But Pelosi’s moral compass can set the tone for the next government in Washington to smoothen out any rough edges with New Delhi as the two countries work together on key priorities of diversifying production, creating new supply chains, collaborating on high-end technology and ensuring peace and stability in the region.

Despite the influence she has wielded over a broad swathe of policy, her superlative fundraising networks and abiding popularity among members of the Congress as well as grassroots Democrats, Pelosi has never considered running for higher office, or accepted a presidential appointment. She says she loves the Congress: “The house of representatives―known as the People’s House―was designed to be close to the people.”

But the speaker emerita has another reason, too. “One of the reasons I love serving the house is that I have the privilege of representing San Francisco. The song of our city’s patron saint, St Francis of Assisi, is our anthem. Make me an instrument of your peace. Where there is hatred let me sow love...” Pelosi definitely knows her ‘why’.

On August 11, she welcomed Harris back to California at a fundraiser, saying she brings joy and hope to the American people. “Kamala is a person of great strength,” Pelosi tells THE WEEK. “She is a person of great faith. She knows her policy. She knows the strategy. And she is a fighter for the people. I always say it is important to know your why. Kamala knows her why.”

The Art of Power

By Nancy Pelosi

Published by Simon and Schuster UK Ltd

Price Rs999; pages 337

nancy-pelosi-has-consistently-called-out-china-s-oppressive-policies

Sat Aug 17 15:36:11 IST 2024

NANCY PELOSI, a name synonymous with resilience and unwavering commitment to human rights, has long been a formidable figure in American politics. Her relationship with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people is a testament to her dedication to justice and freedom. As someone who has consistently stood up to China, Pelosi has an admirable legacy of courage and tenacity.

Pelosi’s history of challenging China dates back to 1991, when she unfurled a pro-democracy banner in Tiananmen Square, commemorating the victims of the 1989 massacre. This act of defiance was a clear message to Beijing that the US would not turn a blind eye to human rights abuses. Over the years, Pelosi has consistently criticised China’s record on human rights, from the treatment of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang to the suppression of freedoms in Hong Kong and Tibet.

Pelosi’s connection with the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan cause dates back to the early years of her political career. In 1989, she was one of the first American politicians to meet with the Dalai Lama after he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. This meeting marked the beginning of a long-standing friendship and a shared commitment to the Tibetan struggle for autonomy and human rights. One of the most poignant moments in Pelosi’s advocacy for Tibet came in 2008, during the Beijing Olympics. Despite the potential diplomatic fallout, she led a congressional delegation to Dharamsala, the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile. There, she met with the Dalai Lama and expressed her solidarity with the Tibetan people. Her visit was a bold statement against China’s human rights abuses and a clear message that the world was watching.

She has consistently used her platform to call out China’s oppressive policies and to advocate the rights of the Tibetan people. In 2007, she played a crucial role in the passage of the Tibetan Policy Act, which aimed to support the preservation of Tibet’s unique religious, cultural and linguistic heritage. During a visit to Tibet in 2015, she and her delegation were closely monitored by Chinese authorities. Despite the restrictions, Pelosi managed to meet with local Tibetans and hear their stories of resilience.

Pelosi’s role in world affairs extends beyond her advocacy for Tibet. As the first woman to serve as Speaker of the US House of Representatives, she has been a trailblazer for women in politics. Her leadership during critical moments, such as the passage of the Affordable Care Act and the impeachment proceedings against President Donald Trump, has cemented her reputation as a formidable and principled leader.

Her stance on China has been particularly noteworthy. Pelosi has been a vocal critic of China’s human rights record, its aggressive territorial claims and its influence on global affairs. She has consistently called for a tougher stance on China, advocating policies that promote human rights and democratic values.

Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan in August 2022 was a significant moment in her career and in US-China relations. Despite warnings from Beijing and even caution from the Biden administration, Pelosi proceeded with her trip, emphasising the US’s unwavering support for Taiwan’s democracy. Her visit was met with strong condemnation from China, which conducted large-scale military exercises in response. This move was seen by many as a bold statement against China’s increasing assertiveness in the region.

Pelosi’s achievements in a male-dominated field are even more remarkable as she has consistently stood up to powerful adversaries. She has shattered glass ceilings and paved the way for future generations of women leaders. Her ability to navigate the complexities of international politics while maintaining her commitment to human rights and justice has made her a significant figure in world affairs.

The author is the son of Gyalo Thondup, the Dalai Lama’s elder brother and his former personal representative to China. He lives in Taiwan.

bangladesh-student-protests-reason-outcome

Sat Aug 10 14:50:15 IST 2024

Let us begin by citing a book called When Poetry Ruled the Streets by Andrew Feenberg and Jim Freedman documenting the experience of the French student movement of 1968. The authors were passionate participants in the movement in Paris that was met with brute force by the French state. Their account is infused with the reasoned emotional efforts of the students to kindle political awareness in society. Our contemporary history bears witness that youth and student activism has played a crucial role in questioning authority, demanding accountability, and advocating for a more just society. This tradition of dissent has been a powerful force, whether in the freedom movement or the more contemporary challenges and social injustices across the globe.

During the Swadeshi Movement in 1905, institutions like the Presidency College in Calcutta and Fergusson College in Pune became the important nodes of revolutionary ideas and activities. The Non-Cooperation Movement (1920-1922) saw widespread participation from students, who boycotted British educational institutions, opting for national schools and colleges instead, such as the Kashi Vidyapeeth and Jamia Millia Islamia.

The fervour of student activism did not wane after independence. The 1960s and 1970s were notable for student protests addressing issues ranging from educational reforms to political corruption. Seeking to address deep-seated, socioeconomic inequalities, the Naxalbari movement, emerging in the late 1960s, drew significant student support. During the Emergency, the Navnirman Andolan in Gujarat and the Bihar Movement, led by socialist leader Jayaprakash Narayan, were fuelled by student participation. These movements played a crucial role in mobilising public opinion against authoritarianism, eventually leading to the restoration of democracy. It was the student leaders emerging from these agitations who defined the contours of Indian politics for almost four decades that followed.

It is often suggested by conservative voices that politics has no place in an institution of learning. However, I believe that student politics is a mark of excellent education. After the regimented environment of school, college or university gives young people a newfound freedom paired with significant accountability. This autonomy requires them to make and own their decisions, fostering personal growth. They learn not only from academics but also from interaction with diverse peers. These interactions and experiences cultivate curiosity, sensitivity, and responsiveness to societal issues. Energised and idealistic, students develop a respect for difference and harmony, environmental concerns and social justice. This fertile ground of intellectual and personal growth naturally extends into political activism, with students championing democratic values and mobilising against inequality, discrimination and injustice, thereby becoming crucial drivers of social and political change.

The French student movement, often referred to as May ‘68, opposed traditional authority structures, both within universities and in society at large. Starting at the University of Paris at Nanterre, the movement quickly spread because students’ radical demands for participatory democracy and social equality resonated with workers, leading to a general strike that brought the country to a standstill. This is reminiscent of the protest of Jamia Millia Islamia students against Citizenship Amendment Act 2019, sparking a wider movement of Muslims against discrimination. It is in the same vein that students on US campuses protested against the Vietnam War or the apartheid. More recently, students organised sit-ins demanding that their universities divest from companies that support or uphold Israeli occupation of Palestine and called for a ceasefire. The resonances of student movements or students sparking wider movements are many.

Students are often the first to observe and articulate the discontent of society. They do not struggle to improve their own conditions only. Allied with peasants and workers, they have risen up for the recognition and strengthening of civil rights, they have been rallying against authoritarianism, and they have been at the forefront of social justice movements. This is what a student who has learnt well is expected to do by professors who teach well and aim to shape students into knowledgeable, skilled, sensitive and brave individuals who can live autonomously, with dignity and confidence. When combined with a wish to lift others from limiting circumstances, these qualities are the hallmark of a good leader.

What is distressing is that instead of listening to students, petty institutional administrators as well as the state seek to criminalise their wholly democratic, peaceful and deeply ethical protests. The students have had to pay a heavy price. Police and vigilantes unleashed violence against them and many have had to face suspensions and bogus criminal cases. Some of the best minds of our times are spending precious years of their youth behind the bars, if not making endless humiliating rounds of the courts. Others became victims of what has been rightly called institutional murder.

If pummelling young people into silence is anyone’s idea of politics or governance, then it betrays a deep sense of insecurity. Intimidating students into timid and submissive individuals is a recipe for disaster.

The situation in neighbouring Bangladesh is instructive. The immediate ‘trigger’ is an issue which signals exhaustion and impatience of students with having to compete for a piece of a small pie.

Looking at student action from across the world, including India, I can confidently say that young people have taken their role as citizens very seriously and have played a huge role in outlining the contours of a just and peaceful society.

Jha, a Rajya Sabha member, is the national spokesperson for the Rashtriya Janata Dal, and professor, the University of Delhi.

india-could-now-face-renewed-challenges-in-the-northeast

Sat Aug 10 11:18:08 IST 2024

The developments in Bangladesh caught many governments by surprise, but it left a nagging concern for Indian diplomacy. Did India play its cards wrong by giving unflinching support to Sheikh Hasina despite the sentiment in Bangladesh against her autocratic policies? Was Indian diplomacy and strategic policy execution outpaced by the developments? Hasina’s exit symbolised the failure of a major Indian initiative to retain a friendly relationship with Bangladesh.

A new regime that possibly could be inimical to Indian interests could create a situation similar to the Line of Control-Line of Actual Control, resulting in a huge diversion of men and material to guard the borders. Moreover, the narrow ‘Chicken’s Neck’stretch that connects the Indian mainland with the northeast would be very vulnerable from the military point of view. It was Hasina who had cracked down on the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) insurgents who had sneaked into Bangladesh after being evicted from Myanmar and Bhutan.

Anup Chetia, general secretary of the pro-talks ULFA faction told THE WEEK: “The Hasina government’s crackdown from 2009 was singularly responsible for the ULFA leadership to come to the negotiating table with the Indian government. It may not have happened otherwise.”

Now the situation in Bangladesh could raise the bargaining power for the Paresh Baruah-led ULFA faction, which is against talks and is holding out from the jungles along the India-Myanmar border.

Insurgency from Manipur could see a spurt as well. One reason why the Meitei-dominated United National Liberation Front (UNLF) surrendered in hundreds in November 2023 and inked a ceasefire agreement with the government was the loss of safe havens in civil war-wracked Myanmar. Bangladesh could now become a new sanctuary for the anti-talks faction of the UNLF and other disgruntled elements. An exodus of mainly Hindus and Buddhists from Bangladesh to the northeastern states may pose another challenge.

The release of rightist Bangladesh Nationalist Party leader Begum Khaleda Zia from jail and the likely return of her son Tarique Rahman make matters more challenging for India. BNP is closely allied with the Pakistan-backed Jamaat-e-Islami.

Veena Sikri, former Indian high commissioner to Bangladesh, said that the regime change in Bangladesh was carefully planned for a long time and the student movement was a mere vehicle. “Till July 15, the student movement was completely peaceful. Hasina had accepted the demands of the students,”she said. “But things took a turn for the worse after the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Islamic Chhatrashibir and top BNP leaders took over the movement. As for the army, we always knew there was a strong Jamaat cell in the army.”

Sikri also pointed to Hasina’s recent China visit, which was cut short apparently because she was upset with Beijing’s failure to keep its promise of financial aid and at the “lack of appropriate protocol”accorded to her.

“I was puzzled why it happened because China doesn’t do this. Now I know the answer. Because they had decided to wipe their hands off Hasina,”said Sikri. “So it goes much deeper.”

Without doubt, India’s ‘neighbourhood first’policy, which has been the BJP-led NDA government’s vital diplomatic plank, is in for a serious reverse. The latest developments also put into question the prospects of the ‘India-Bangladesh Shared Vision for Future’ agreement signed during Hasina’s visit to Delhi in June.

instability-in-bangladesh-with-eager-foreign-players-ready-for-a-role-is-not-in-india-s-interest

Sat Aug 10 11:17:12 IST 2024

Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka with no option but to resign and leave the country. The military chiefs gave her an ultimatum that they were not willing to enforce the curfew and would not fire on the protesters. The chaotic situation, arising from students’ protesting government job reservation, had snowballed into a political agitation demanding Hasina’s resignation. The chiefs arranged security and logistical support for her to go to the president, tender her resignation and fly out of the country in 45 minutes.

The military’s role in refusing to clamp down on the violence encouraged the political cadres of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI). Did the military chiefs decide on this course of action because the rank and file of the defence forces, belonging to the younger generation, had turned against Hasina? The military chiefs might have come under internal pressure to act as they finally did. An anti-Hasina social media campaign by retired military officers also queered the pitch for the chiefs. Questions are being raised by observers who are wondering if the army chief, married to Hasina’s second cousin and appointed by her, turned against her for political reasons or the pressure of circumstances. There have been changes in the army leadership with one general being sacked and several others transferred.

In 2007, the then army chief had tried to implement the so-called ‘Minus Two’ formula in which the military-backed caretaker government took over, following nationwide chaos fomented by fighting among political cadres of the main political parties. The formula was meant to exile the two “warring begums” (Hasina and BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia) and nurture a new leadership. Then Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was encouraged to promote a new political party. That effort failed and led to enduring bitterness between Hasina and Yunus. When Hasina returned to power in 2009, she foisted hundreds of cases against Yunus, and much of his time was spent in the courts.

Yunus is in the news again as the head of the interim government, following a demand raised by the student leaders. He is internationally known and has close ties with many western countries and India. He is not a professional politician and does not have experience in running a government and will require help from his cabinet members who are likely to be retired professionals from various fields. Some comments made by Yunus saying he was hurt by India’s calling the events in Bangladesh as its “internal matter” and why India supported Hasina and allowed her to come to India reflect his bitterness towards Hasina. As the head of the interim government, he has bigger challenges ahead for which India will be willing to help.

Hasina was the longest serving prime minister of Bangladesh and the longest serving woman prime minister internationally. It is surprising that with her political experience she misjudged and mishandled the student’s agitation. Misguided policies by the government in the form of instructing the Chattra League (student wing of Awami League) to attack the protesters, permitting the police to use firearms and derogatory remarks added fuel to the violence. If this decision had not been taken and if they had expedited the Supreme Court decision, the students would have accepted the judgment and called off the protest.

But the violence and around 200 deaths had ignited a fire which spread rapidly. It was too tempting an opportunity for Hasina’s political opponents. The BNP and the JeI have been smarting from being excluded from power for more than 15 years and they capitalised on the students’ protests successfully. JeI cadres from the Islami Chhatra Shibir, its students’ wing, the Jatiyobadi Chhatra Dal, the BNP’s students’ wing, Hefazet-ul Islam’s madrassa students poured into the streets and caused mayhem. Such violence must have been planned for quite some time and these cadres are trained for such violence. What began as a genuine students’ protest mutated into a violent political agitation to overthrow the government.

Several months ago, Hasina had said in an interview that “conspiracies” had been planned to topple her government and expressed fears that she could be assassinated like her father and family members. She also said that a “white man’s” plot was afoot to carve a “Christian country” out of Bangladesh and Myanmar and she was told that no one would oppose her election in January 2024, if she allowed a foreign country to build an airbase in Bangladesh. What she had in mind is not clear, but she was obviously perturbed about some information that led her to make this public.

After Hasina’s ouster, speculation has intensified about a foreign-based regime-change conspiracy. Pakistan’s ISI’s role has cropped up and so has the name of Tarique Rahman, Khaleda’s son and political successor, living in exile in London since 2007 and the JeI. American nudging and Chinese funding have also been mentioned in media reports. Social media monitors have reported a steady flow of adverse information and comments mostly from handles in western countries and Pakistan.

Hasina and Pakistan never got along and Pakistan blamed her for decimating the JeI leadership which functioned as its fifth column in Bangladesh and collaborated with the genocidal Pakistani army during the Liberation War of 1971.

The statements issued by Islamabad after Hasina’s ouster are noteworthy for their warmth. The US spokesperson called the protests “lawful” and patted the army for abjuring force. There was no censure of the military takeover. The US would be happy that finally it has achieved what it had set its sights on―regime change via its proxy Pakistan. Evidence of American encouragement to Pakistan are apparent in the red carpet treatment to the Pakistan army and ISI chiefs a few months ago. The doubling of the tranche of IMF loan and $100 million in bilateral economic assistance show that carrots were on offer if Pakistan played ball. Pakistan played ball with Tarique Rahman and BNP/JeI supporters in the diaspora and in Bangladesh. Ironically, in a way, Pakistan, China and the US, allies that opposed the creation of Bangladesh, are again on the same page.

For India, the immediate issues are managing the safe return of its citizens, stopping the violence against Hindus and managing border security. Instability in Bangladesh is not in India’s interest. It will impact trade, travel, investments and economic growth. We can expect to see a quick engagement with the interim government once it is in place to assess the situation. Bangladesh has entered an unstable transition phase, increasing India’s neighbourhood challenge.

The author was high commissioner to Bangladesh.

violence-after-hasina-s-exit-takes-bangladesh-away-from-the-liberal-ethos-advocated-by-its-founders

Sat Aug 10 11:15:51 IST 2024

This will be a new Bangladesh and it will be free of any fascist rule. The state will not fire on its students, and every citizen will have equal rights,” Bin Yamin Mollah, a student leader told THE WEEK from Dhaka. He is one of the coordinators of Students Against Discrimination (SAD), the anti-government movement which forced prime minister Sheikh Hasina to quit and escape to India.

The roots of the ongoing student movement lie in the protest against the quota system, which has been going on since 2018. The students rose in revolt against the system that reserved 56 per cent of government jobs for various groups, including 30 per cent for the families and descendants of veterans of the 1971 war of independence against Pakistan. This forced the Hasina government to abolish the entire system. But, in June this year, the Bangladesh high court restored the quota, igniting a new wave of protests nationwide.

Starting from Dhaka University on July 1, students from across the country joined the protests. On July 15, the protests turned violent when members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League, allegedly attacked protesters on the Dhaka University campus.

As the situation escalated, the government responded brutally, resulting in the deaths of more than 200 people. Internet was blocked, curfew was imposed and protesters were allegedly shot by government forces and attacked by the ruling party cadres in broad daylight. Hasina, on the other hand, blamed the banned Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the main opposition party, for the clashes.

The harsh action against students highlighted the authoritarian nature of the Hasina administration and ignited longstanding socio-political and economic discontent among various sections of society. Starting from July 16, the anti-quota movement evolved into a broader uprising against the Hasina government.

“Ultimately, the movement was not limited to student protests,” said Raheed Ejaz, correspondent of the Bangladeshi daily Prothom Alo. “It became a movement against inequality, lack of employment, shrinking spaces to voice dissent and the absence of power to exercise franchise.”

The protests briefly paused after the supreme court reduced the reservation for the descendants and families of independence war veterans to 5 per cent on July 21. Student leaders demanded an apology from the prime minister and the removal of ministers who had insulted the protesters. The government responded by arresting over 10,000 people, including six student leaders.

It is alleged that these leaders were coerced to give a call for ending the movement, leading the SAD to initiate a non-cooperation movement on August 3. The protesters had a single demand: the resignation of the prime minister. On August 4, Bangladesh experienced widespread violence, with clashes occurring in several locations and resulting in the deaths of at least 97 people, including 14 police officers. Thousands of protesters took to the streets, engaging in fierce confrontation with the police and Awami League workers.

On August 5, with protesters on their way to her residence Ganabhaban, Hasina resigned and fled. “The success of this mass movement is a reflection that people were not ready to accept the fascist regime of Sheikh Hasina any longer,” said Asad Bin Rony, a student leader associated with SAD. “Now we will build a Bangladesh which our forefathers envisioned, where everyone will be equal.”

However, the scenes that have been unfolding after the exit of Hasina may take Bangladesh far from where its founders wanted it to be. An unruly mob attacked and looted the prime minister’s residence, desecrated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s statues, vandalised the parliament building and set ablaze cultural institutions such as the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum and the Indira Gandhi Cultural Centre in Dhaka. The lawlessness led to the deaths of more than 130 people on August 5, making it the deadliest day of violence so far during the ongoing crisis.

“This is a revolution. People must not confuse it with normal power transition. The former prime minister didn’t leave her seat peacefully on normal terms,” said Mollah. “Right now, we don’t have people in key positions of the administration. As a result, the law and order situation has gone out of control. The interim government will soon take charge and peace will be restored.”

But even after President Mohammed Shahabuddin, SAD representatives and three service chiefs jointly decided to have Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus as head of the interim government, the law and order situation continues to deteriorate. Army chief Waker-uz-Zaman’s appeal for peace seems to have little effect as the country’s institutions, too, have came under severe attack.

A section of the protesting students have already voiced their concerns. “People are still getting killed. Minorities are also being attacked. This is not what we wanted when we started our movement,” said Mohammed Moajjam Hossain, another SAD coordinator. Students alleged that the violence and vandalism of the last two days were carried out by Awami League cadres. “They are doing this to tarnish the image of our movement so that they can win back popular support,” said Mollah.

These developments have raised the question whether the students have failed to keep control of the movement among themselves. “There is every chance that other elements have joined this movement,” said Ejaz, the journalist. “What we have seen on streets across the country is that families, juveniles and the elderly joining the movement. So, of course, the elements [opposition political parties and extremist religious outfits] are there. This is the reason we are seeing this vandalism and violence.”

Ejaz said the liberal ethos and secular values on which Bangladesh was founded could be put under further threat if mob violence did not stop.

bangladeshis-are-banking-on-nobel-laureate-muhammad-yunus

Sat Aug 10 11:14:59 IST 2024

When the protesting students approached Muhammad Yunus to head the interim government in Bangladesh, the Nobel laureate had several examples he could turn to while weighing his options. While French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre had declined to be a leader of the 1968 students and workers-led movement, Russian author Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn refused to pursue presidency in the post-Soviet Union era because he preferred an authoritarian regime with traditional Christian values. Author Vaclav Havel, though, went the other way. He accepted the offer to become president of Czechoslovakia after the Velvet Revolution in 1989.

Yunus followed in Havel’s footsteps, and became the formal head of the interim government. This decision was made during a meeting at Dhaka’s Bangabhavan, the residence of President Mohammed Shahabuddin. The meeting was attended by representatives from Students Against Discrimination (SAD), the group that led the anti-Sheikh Hasina movement, as well as three military chiefs of Bangladesh, two Dhaka University professors and two liaison committee members.

At 84, Yunus, the founder of Grameen Bank, is being seen as the ideal candidate to fill the power vacuum and lead the country out of the crisis, resulting from the resignation of former Prime Minister Hasina and the eventual dissolution of her government. “He is acceptable among every section of society,” a Dhaka University professor, who was part of the meeting at the president’s residence, told THE WEEK on condition of anonymity. “He is a Nobel laureate and will help Bangladesh in restoring its international identity. His community development bank’s microcredit and microfinance initiatives have had a positive impact on the lives of the poor.”

Born in 1940 in the Chittagong district of undivided Bengal Presidency, Yunus was the third of nine children, and went to Chittagong Collegiate School. “We are very happy that Dr Yunus has been chosen to lead us,” Muhammad Sirajul Islam, the proud principal told THE WEEK. “We are confident that he will do everything needed for the welfare and development of Bangladesh.”

After completing his master’s in economics at Dhaka University, Yunus briefly worked as a lecturer before receiving a Fulbright scholarship in 1965 to pursue his PhD in the US. In 1975, four years after Bangladesh gained independence from Pakistan, he returned with the determination to alleviate poverty in his country.

The Bangladesh famine of 1974 greatly influenced Yunus. After personally lending $27 to 42 women in Bangladesh, the idea of microcredit occurred to him. He started the Grameen Bank in 1983 with the idea of disbursing small loans to the poor in Bangladesh without collateral.

Currently, Grameen Bank operates in 94 per cent of Bangladeshi villages, serving almost 4.5 crore people. As per its website, the bank has loaned more than $38.6 million to 1.06 crore borrowers, 97 per cent of them women. Yunus’s microcredit movement has since spread to more than 100 developing countries. His efforts made him the first from his country to win a Nobel Peace Prize in 2006. Today, he is known worldwide as the ‘Banker to the Poor’.

He has received numerous other prestigious awards and honours, including Presidential Medal of Freedom (the highest civilian award in the US) and the Ramon Magsaysay Award. Additionally, he was a founding member of The Elders, a group Nelson Mandela formed to address global challenges. A vocal critic of Hasina, Yunus has also encountered several corruption charges. Among these allegations is the claim that Grameen Bank aggressively collected loans from impoverished rural women. His supporters contend that he has been singled out because of his opposition to Hasina.

Bangladeshis are now banking on him. “The world viewed Bangladesh’s growing economy very positively. But they failed to realise the prevailing inequality in our country,” Asif Mahmud, a coordinator of SAD, told THE WEEK from Dhaka. “We are confident Dr Yunus’s policies will direct us to a better future where inequality will lessen.”

Generally, interim governments in Bangladesh have consisted of non-partisan members who were ineligible to run for office. However, in 2007, on the intervention of the army, an extra-constitutional military-backed caretaker government was formed, which ruled Bangladesh without legitimacy. People of Bangladesh are hopeful that the Yunus-headed government will not be influenced by the army, political parties or religious outfits. “I don’t think the army on any other group can influence the interim government much,” academic Rasheda K. Chowdhury, who was an adviser to the caretaker government led by Fakhruddin Ahmed from 2007 to 2009, told THE WEEK. “This is mainly because this time we are seeing a transition of power that is completely overseen by students, who are not like previous generations.”

the-daily-star-journalist-mahfuz-anam-interview-bangladesh-protests-political-crisis

Wed Aug 14 17:32:02 IST 2024

Interview/Mahfuz Anam, editor and publisher, The Daily Star

Bangladesh added yet another chapter to its turbulent political history on August 5 with the overthrow of the Sheikh Hasina government. Most reports suggest that it was triggered by a popular uprising led by students against the 30 per cent reservation in government jobs for relatives of veterans who fought in the 1971 independence war against Pakistan. The opposition, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Jamaat-e-Islami also seem to have played a role in overthrowing Hasina, who was in power for the past 15 years. The army, meanwhile, stayed neutral, refusing to come to the aid of the government. With the prime minister ousted and the parliament dissolved, Bangladesh will be led by an interim government headed by Nobel winning social entrepreneur and banker Muhammad Yunus.

Describing the evolving situation, Mahfuz Anam, editor and publisher of The Daily Star, one of the leading newspapers in Bangladesh, told THE WEEK that despite Hasina’s ouster, Bangladesh would not transform into a fundamentalist country. He said Hasina became unpopular as she started manipulating elections and stifling dissent. On ties with India, Anam pointed out that the overall impression in Bangladesh was that New Delhi had been a great supporter of the Hasina government and that it ignored the bigger picture. He wants India to look at the ongoing crisis through the prism of democracy. Edited excerpts from the exclusive interview:

There is an argument that many people in Bangladesh believed that the Sheikh Hasina government was not an elected one because opposition parties boycotted the January elections. Is the crisis a reaction to that?

The story has to be segmented. One is Sheikh Hasina's continued rule for 15 years. No other government has ever ruled Bangladesh for 15 continuous years. That gave us stability and uninterrupted economic growth. But on the political side, it has been a story of decreasing space for opposition and dissent. After getting elected in a landslide in 2008, Hasina started manipulating elections. The elections in 2014 were extremely questionable, so were the elections of 2018, and also this January. It seemed like she had mastered the art of manipulating elections and came to the conclusion that she could get away with it. When you concentrate so much power in your hands, you are likely to antagonise a lot of people and make a lot of mistakes.

Second, her handling of the student movement was absolutely disastrous, inexplicable. A party like the Awami League—which just celebrated its 75th year—a party that has been a part of democratic movements from the time of Pakistan and was the leading party in our liberation war totally lost touch with the people. And then there was the government narrative that anything anti-government was promoted either by the BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) or by the Jamaat (Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami). This narrative may have been politically convenient, but over time, they became a victim of this narrative themselves.

For about a year, the [protests against quotas] have been going on, and it was peaceful till July 15. Then the Awami League general secretary said that their student wing, the Chhatra League, was enough to handle that. That was a signal to their party goons to come down hard on the students. That was the day the violence started. On the first day, there were six deaths; the second day, 28 deaths. Within a week, at least 200 people were dead. But, [unofficially], the number is much higher, it is 500. Never in the history of Bangladesh, or in the history of the subcontinent, that within a week, a civilian government through police [action] had caused 200 deaths. By then, the government had accepted all the demands of the students. But the death of more than 200 people had totally transformed the psyche of the students and the general public.

In our part of the world, when the government is unaccountable, the institutions become monsters. So the police, for example, started harassing people and taking bribes. I will not say that the government [was] directly involved. But not a businessman, a high level police officer or a high level bureaucrat was taken to court for corruption or abuse of power. If something happened in your area and you wanted to lodge a case, the police will not accept it if it was against an Awami League leader. And this has been going on for 15 years.

You say this is a fight for democracy.

It is a fight for democracy, for an accountable government. However, I will not rule out the fact that some political and religious elements may take advantage. India will have its concerns, which is quite acceptable and respected. But India should not see the whole event through the eyes of some Jamaat-e-Islami people or BNP people. You should not see it through the eyes of religion. You should see it through the eyes of democracy.

What next for Bangladesh? How do you see the situation evolving in the next few days?

The students said that this was a chance to rebuild Bangladesh. So, the departure of—in their language—a dictatorial regime is the first victory. Now, it is a chance to reconstruct the country in a more democratic manner. But what do I see for tomorrow and the day after is concerning. Because I really cannot say where our government is. Who do I go to if there is some problem? Will the police come? Who is commanding the police? There is a vacuum there. The president’s statement has been quite vague. The army chief’s statement was quite laudable, but not specific.

What about the future of Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League?

The Awami League is a highly respected traditional party. They lost the plot, their touch with the grassroots. They are, at the moment, a discredited party. But if enough good people come back together, they can revive the party. The popular concept is that we all loved Bangabandhu's (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman) Awami League, but we do not love Sheikh Hasina's Awami League. About Hasina's future, her son has announced that she has no interest in continuing in politics.

After leaving Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina came to Delhi. Did India react appropriately throughout the entire crisis?

A strong relationship with India is necessary for the future of Bangladesh. But India would make a mistake if it looked at the whole event through the narrative of Sheikh Hasina or the Awami League. The relationship must be between the state and the people, not between one government and another. The overall impression in Bangladesh is that India has been a great supporter of Sheikh Hasina's government, which is fine, as you support the government of the day. But India did not pay enough attention to the bigger picture. India didn't really have links with parties or people beyond the Awami League. And as the Awami League's narrative became narrower and narrower, India's view became focused on only one party.

Would you say that India put all its eggs in one basket?

From the outside, it did appear to be so. There is one appeal I would like to make to my Indian friends: seeing some Islamic manifestation, please do not come to the conclusion that we are becoming a fundamentalist country. This is a Muslim majority country. And there are devout Muslims who go to the mosque five times a day. Now, that should not define their whole [worldview], that they are part of an extremist group. If India can become Hindu without becoming non-secular, then why can't Bangladesh accept its Muslim heritage without being looked at with apprehension that this is going to be a terrorist or extremist country? There is a huge segment of Muslims in Bangladesh who believe in a close relationship with India. They are proud of their Muslim identity, just as a Hindu is proud of his Hindu identity.

What about the safety and security of Indian assets in Bangladesh?

At the moment, there is absolutely no threat. I have not heard of any Indian factories or business establishments being [affected].

Do you see the role of foreign powers behind what happened?

Nobody has said that America or India or China is involved. Perhaps you are more concerned about the geopolitics. But, at the moment, we are more concerned about democratising our own society.

But as an editor, do you have any news that there could be some involvement from Pakistan or China, in any way?

In India, Pakistan may be involved, or China may be involved. In Bangladesh, since I'm not in the government or heading an intelligence body, I cannot say yes or no. But you can interpret. For example, America has welcomed the change, so you can interpret that America must be behind it. India has not said anything as of now, [so] India is unhappy about it. But I don't have reasons to write an editorial or a report about foreign intervention based on facts on the ground.

But Sheikh Hasina was close to India.

I sincerely urge the Indian leadership to take a deep look into what Bangladesh is. It is a country of 80 plus per cent Muslims. Globally, there is a rise of Islam. So you can see more mosques in Dhaka, more mosques around Bangladesh. Please do not associate this with the rise of anti-Indianism or extremism. Bangladesh is a rising country, a country which has learned from its own experience. And a good relationship with India is good for Bangladesh. However, your attitude also will determine that. If you are suspicious of this student-led movement, [it could become difficult]. As of now, I am quite convinced that it was based on issues of Bangladesh's importance, not driven by any foreign country. But it is a fluid situation. And you never know, in the coming days or weeks, some manoeuvring may take place.

Sheikh Hasina was in China on July 13, and she had to cut short her visit, apparently upset with Beijing's failure to fulfil its promise of financial support. And the appropriate protocol was not accorded to her. Was this twist in the relationship an indicator of the things to come?

China is not that powerful in Bangladesh. They may give us some aid. But no, these students are not driven by any Chinese, American or Indian agenda.
But commercially, China has a lot of interest in Bangladesh, for instance, in the textile sector.

There are more Indian garments factory owners in Dhaka than there are Chinese. China is a good partner in the ready-made garment sector, but so is India. And here, let me say something to which I give Sheikh Hasina a lot of credit. Before her tenure, if the Awami League was in power, we were totally pro-India. If the BNP was in power, we were totally pro-China. But Hasina could take our relationship with India to a very high level, and also develop our relationship with China a lot.

The Ulfa insurgency in northeast India was crushed primarily due to the proactive measures by the Hasina government. Do you think a new regime would perhaps encourage separatists?

I don't think Bangladesh will go there at all, because it's not good for us. For example, there are insurgents from the Kuki Chin group [in Bangladesh]. They have armed training camps, and they have been talking about carving out a greater homeland for the people of the Chin origin, Christians largely. And we are very worried about it. We will do everything to protect our sovereignty. Helping Ulfa is not going to strengthen our sovereignty.

What about Begum Khaleda Zia? What could be the role for the BNP?

The idea is to have an election, as free and fair as possible, which was not possible under Hasina. We will let the people of Bangladesh express their views through the election.

What final outcome would you prefer and how fast do you want it?

One of the things that have truly hurt me is the failure of all political leaders to strengthen political institutions. We got a chance in 1971, when we became liberated. Then tragedies happened, Bangabandhu was assassinated, and we got the military rule. Then through peaceful public demonstration, we toppled General Ershad. And we got a chance to rebuild the country in 1991. But we shunted out a military dictator, brought democracy back, and today we are handing over bouquets to the military to take Bangladesh back to democracy. What can be more dramatic than this symbolism of the failure of political leaders? The BNP and the Awami League just quarrelled with each other.

When Hasina came to power, she just didn't allow any space for the BNP. So the political culture was maligned. Parliament as an institution was not allowed to function. There was no opposition, it was literally one-party rule. The judiciary as an independent body was not allowed to flourish. The bureaucracy and the police were partisan. Our first priority should be political reforms. Elected representatives being allowed to play the role, parliament becoming an institution of real policymaking, bureaucracy getting its own space, police not becoming a party tool. These are the reforms we urgently need if Bangladesh is to flourish. The Hasina regime had given us a lot of economic growth. But the quality of the education system has gone down. Our students are falling behind in global competition, our public health structure [is not good]. Our roads are full of potholes. Chittagong, our biggest port city, becomes totally inundated with just one or two days of heavy rain. Our banks have been looted. When Hasina took charge, our total default loan was 23,000 crore takas (Rs 16,470 crore). As of now, our default loan is 1,45,000 crore takas (Rs 1,03,900). How could it happen? Big businesses would take money and would not repay. There is enough evidence that these defaulters would actually siphon off their money abroad. International agencies have reported that every year Bangladesh loses anything between $5 billion to $8 billion through money laundering. So these accumulated stories disillusioned people against the Hasina regime. I am sad that a leader like Sheikh Hasina had to relinquish power and leave the country that she worked for. But she made it inevitable.

When do you see the concerns being addressed and things getting back to normal?

I cannot say it right now. I really would like to see Bangladesh stabilise. I am happy that the students have approached professor Muhammad Yunus to be the chief of this transition government. He is an extremely knowledgeable person, highly respected in Bangladesh and abroad.

When you are talking about rebuilding Bangladesh, no progress can happen in isolation. What is the role of your neighbouring countries?

Our neighbour practically is only one. And, therefore, it is very vital that we manage our relationship with India. It has to be a win-win relationship. With this friendship, Bangladesh must win, India must win. We must have a relationship that helps each one of us grow together and independently. I would like to urge that India understands us a little better than understanding us through a single prism.

kamala-harris-is-well-positioned-to-take-the-fight-to-donald-trump-us-presidential-elections-2024

Sat Aug 03 17:35:11 IST 2024

President Joe Biden ended his reelection bid at 1:46pm on July 21, posting a letter on social media from his vacation home in Delaware. At 2:13pm, he endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris as his successor. In those 27 minutes, Harris spoke to nearly a dozen key Democrats, persuading them to back her, and all of them did. At 4:48pm, she filed the first application with the Federal Election Commission about the change atop the Democratic ticket, marking the formal transition of the campaign.

Harris was ready. She was at her Naval Observatory residence in Washington, DC, when Biden told her about his decision to quit. She immediately summoned her team, which had an inkling that something momentous was happening. By the time they called it a day, Harris had contacted more than 100 Democratic stalwarts, including Bill and Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, Nancy Pelosi, Congressional leaders and, most importantly, her potential rivals for nomination—Governors Gretchen Whitmer, J.B. Pritzker and Josh Shapiro. Her team simultaneously worked the phones to convince convention delegates, numbering around 4,000, who have the mandate to choose the nominee.

In less than two days, Harris won over 3,100 delegates, secured endorsements from prominent Democrats, cleared the field of every serious contender and raised nearly $125 million (approximately Rs 1050 crore). By quickly sealing the nomination, she killed the demand for an open convention, which was said to be preferred by at least a few in the party, including Obama. (Michelle and Barack Obama endorsed her three days later.) Harris has all but clinched the Democratic nomination; technically, she has to wait till the Democratic Party completes its formal roll call of delegates to finalise its candidate, which could happen latest by August 7.

“Harris is really good at clearing fields, at the whole shock and awe thing,” journalist Dan Morain told New York Magazine, explaining how quickly she outmanoeuvred the competition and locked up the nomination. “She is underestimated. She came out of pretty much nowhere to become district attorney (2004). And when she ran for attorney general of California in 2010, she was certainly the underdog.” Harris went on to become a senator and then vice president, defying odds. She now has about 100 days to define herself as a candidate for the general election, develop a voter-friendly policy platform and get her messaging right.

The swift coronation of Harris was also a message to her Republican rival Donald Trump, who sounded upset about the switch. He said it was unfair that he was being forced to start all over again after spending time and money fighting Biden. On social media, he railed that he should be reimbursed for the expenses incurred.

As the race begins to heat up, one of the major advantages that Harris enjoys is that she could inherit much of the existing infrastructure from the Biden campaign. Another factor is, ironically, her age. While it had been the biggest vulnerability for the Democrats with Biden as their candidate, it has now become a weapon they could deploy against Trump, who is now the oldest presidential nominee in American history. “The first party to retire its 80-year-old candidate is going to be the one that wins this election,” former Republican candidate Nikki Haley said in January. Harris is expected to make Trump's age and acuity a campaign issue and she will take heart from the fact that nearly 60 per cent of the voters now say that Trump is too old to serve. She will also benefit from the support of the so-called ‘double haters’—voters who want neither Biden nor Trump.

Some Democrats suggest that they should be somewhat tactful about the age issue, as they had spent months and years defending Biden, but Harris can be really ruthless when she wants to, evident from her swift takeover of the Democratic Party. Ambitious is an adjective that has stuck to her, like burrs to a sari. Some even call her opportunistic. Republicans still talk about her brief, torrid affair with former San Francisco mayor Willie Brown back in the 1990s, which they allege gave Harris her first political opening.

Brown was one of California’s most powerful politicians, while Harris was a 29-year-old up-and-coming prosecutor. He gave her political career a push by nominating her to the California unemployment insurance appeals board and to the medical assistance commission. More importantly, he introduced her to the rich and famous of San Francisco. The connections came handy when she ran for district attorney. She used the opening to make more influential friends, such as billionaire philanthropist Laurene Jobs, the widow of Apple founder Steve Jobs. These networks helped her immensely when she ran for California attorney general in 2010 and 2014, and for senate in 2016.

Harris first got noticed nationally during her tenure as attorney general as she led a campaign on behalf of the Californians who had lost their homes in the 2008 subprime mortgage crisis. The Obama administration pushed for a settlement among states, the federal government and the banks over the predatory mortgages. While the banks wanted to offer as little compensation as possible, Obama wanted the crisis to go away, and fast. In January 2011, soon after she took over as attorney general, Harris confronted the Obama administration as she felt that homeowners were being shortchanged. She called the proposed settlement inadequate and walked out of the negotiations.

The Obama White House, which realised that California’s withdrawal would scuttle the whole process, tried its best to woo Harris. She was offered a personal meeting with the president and also an invitation to sit in the first lady’s box for the State of the Union address. She politely declined, took the banks head on, and ultimately won a $20 billion settlement for her state’s beleaguered homeowners. Obama himself praised Harris afterwards. “She is tough, and she is exactly what you'd want in anybody who is administering the law," he said.

Harris's prosecutorial background offers a riveting contrast to Trump, whose life and career has been defined by legal woes and now, felony convictions. The liberal media has already given the contest a ‘prosecutor versus perp’ spin. Harris is certain to milk that image as much as possible. A former prosecutor challenging a convicted felon has been the overarching theme of her first few campaign speeches.

“I know Donald Trump's type,” she told staff and supporters at her campaign headquarters in Delaware on July 23. “Before I was elected as vice president… I was a prosecutor. I took on perpetrators of all kinds. Predators who abused women, fraudsters who ripped off consumers, cheaters who broke the rules for their own gain,” she said. “So, hear me when I say I know Donald Trump’s type. And in this campaign, I will proudly put my record against his.”

Republicans know how tough Harris can get, even when she is not in a courtroom. Memories of the nightmarish grilling of Trump's supreme court nominee Brett Kavanaugh at his senate confirmation hearing in 2018 still linger. As a member of the judiciary committee, Harris led the Democrats in questioning Kavanaugh, who was chosen by Trump from a list prepared by the conservative Federalist Society. Harris had conducted a mock hearing with aides, to be ready for Kavanaugh. She wanted to figure out how best to raise the point about abortion rights, of how unequal was a law that dictated to a woman how to deal with her own body. She finally came up with a straightforward question, “Is there a law that forces a man to do something that he doesn’t want to do with his body?” Her aides did not have an answer, and neither did Kavanaugh.

She was also quite scathing about the White House's handling of the FBI investigation into sexual harassment allegations about Kavanaugh. Trump later said that Harris was extraordinarily nasty to Kavanaugh. “She was nasty to a level that was just horrible,” he said. “And I won't forget that.”

From the way Harris is going ahead with her campaign, women’s rights could be the winning issue for her. “She talks about abortion rights, and she talks about it unapologetically,” Kelly Baden, public policy expert at Guttmacher Institute, which specialises in reproductive rights, told NBC News. Harris is quite comfortable talking about it, unlike Biden, a staunch Catholic, who once said that he was not “big on abortion”.

Harris was the first vice president to visit a clinic run by Planned Parenthood, one of the biggest organisations that provide reproductive health care. She also undertook a tour across the US to champion abortion rights after the supreme court overturned the Roe v Wade judgment, removing legal protection for abortion.

Ohio Senator J.D. Vance, Trump’s vice presidential candidate, is known for his extreme anti-abortion and anti-women views, and one could expect fireworks. His past attack on Harris for not having biological children has led to intense backlash. During his senate campaign three years ago, Vance said on the Tucker Carlson show that people without children did not have a direct stake in the future of the United States. “We are effectively run in this country by a bunch of childless cat ladies who are miserable in their own lives... so they wanna make the rest of the country miserable, too. You look at Kamala Harris, Pete Buttigieg, AOC (Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez), the entire future of the Democrats is controlled by people without children.”

In another 2021 talk show, Vance said childless Americans should be taxed at a higher rate. He has endorsed a national abortion ban, the enforcement of the Comstock Act (a dormant law which bans the mailing of drugs and instruments related to abortion) and Ohio's six-week abortion ban. He now averages a net favourability rating of negative 5 per cent across all polls, lower than any vice presidential nominee in history. Many Republicans—some even openly—are wondering whether Trump erred in his VP choice. Vance has tried to walk back some of those extreme positions, but Harris is unlikely to let him get away easily.

Apart from her firm stand on reproductive rights, Harris is expected to play up her multicultural background. In the first few days after Biden’s withdrawal, Democrats have witnessed a surge in polling, critically among independents and people of colour and women, and Harris could carry it forward by retelling her immigrant story. She said she learned the basic lessons of freedom and justice from her parents, Shyamala Gopalan and Donald Harris, immigrant academics who loved a good fight for a just cause.

Shyamala came to the United States in the late 1950s, when she was only 19. She chose the US because as a woman, she could not find a place in a graduate programme of her choice in India or even in the UK. In her memoir, Harris describes her mother as a tough taskmaster, who had no patience for self-indulgence. Her grandmother, Rajam Gopalan, too, was a formidable woman. Back in the 1940s, she used to drive across villages in present-day Tamil Nadu on her Volkswagen Beetle, educating women about birth control. She would chastise men who ill-treated their wives. “We’re all diluted versions of my grandmother,” wrote Harris.

Her grandfather P.V. Gopalan started out as a stenographer, but rose to be a senior civil servant. In June 2023, speaking at a luncheon hosted in honour of visiting Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Harris said her introduction to the concepts of equality, freedom and democracy came from her grandfather, with whom she enjoyed taking long walks on the beach during her visits to Chennai.

The heritage of her father, who belongs to a landowning family in Jamaica, too, has influenced Harris. Although her worldview and political philosophy are markedly different from his radical leftist ideology, she said she inherited his conviction to defend the truth, even the uncomfortable ones.

Her immigrant background clearly helps in opening up new pathways for Harris to win 270 of 533 electoral college votes required to be declared winner. Latest New York Times poll (conducted from July 22 to 24) shows her trailing Trump by just one point nationally (47 per cent to 48 per cent). But she leads Trump among Black voters—78 per cent to 15 per cent—an 8 per cent edge over Biden. Among Hispanic voters, she is up by 47 per cent to 45 per cent, while Biden was trailing by 9 per cent. Harris also finds favour with voters under 35—she leads Trump 47 per cent to 43 per cent. Trump was up against Biden by 7 per cent among this cohort.

Biden had nearly given up on the Sun Belt states of Arizona, Georgia and Nevada, which he had won last time. His precariously narrow route to the White House was to retain the three Blue Wall states—Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

With her background and appeal among blacks, Hispanics, women and youth, Harris seems to have opened up the Sun Belt states, even adding North Carolina to the list. Trump won North Carolina by just 75,000 votes (of the total 5.5 million votes polled) in 2020. It is a margin that the Harris team is confident that she could deal with, especially since over 20 per cent of the state’s population is black. They would take heart from what Obama did in 2008, when he trumped John McCain in the state. North Carolina now has more electoral college votes (16) than Wisconsin (10) and Michigan (15). Similar dynamics are in play in neighbouring Georgia as well, which is more good news for Harris.

Added insurance could come from Arizona and Nevada, where nearly 30 per cent of the voters are Hispanics. Moreover, there could be an abortion rights initiative on the ballot in Arizona, which would aid her. In Nevada, she has extensive connections and a thriving poll machinery. She has been quite active in the state for the past few years, building friendships, networks and coalitions. This year alone, she visited Nevada six times.

WHILE HARRIS has so far enjoyed a smooth ride to the top, a general election presents its own unique set of challenges. One of the obvious problems she faces is her association with Biden. Aligning herself closely with the president may get Harris support from those who approve of his policies and leadership, but it could cost her the support of independents who are dissatisfied with certain aspects of Biden's presidency or who expect a different direction for the Democratic Party. No wonder Harris has already displayed an independent streak in at least two issues—she prefers a more proactive abortion policy and she insists on emphasising the humanitarian cost of the Gaza war.

Second, Republicans will try to portray Harris as the candidate imposed from above, brokered and decided by party elites, without even a mini-primary. Additionally, the lack of a rigorous primary contest experience could pose challenges when facing a formidable opponent like Trump. Primary campaigns typically serve as crucial testing grounds for candidates, allowing them to refine their messaging and demonstrate their ability to connect with diverse voter demographics.

Third, Harris has to brace herself for a barrage of below-the-belt attacks from Trump and his surrogates. He has already called her “dumb as a rock”, "totally unlikeable", a "communist," and a “monster". On July 26, addressing a gathering of religious conservatives in Florida, he accused her of trying to impose radical leftist values on immigration and abortion. At the moment, however, Trump is finding it hard to find a line of attack that sticks, but that doesn't mean that he will stop.

Finally, despite the obvious advantages that Harris enjoys, there are palpable concerns about the swing states—whether she would be able to persuade enough white working class voters who carried Biden past the finish line four years ago. Some Democrats worry that her coalition of the women, black and youth voters may not be enough to offset the loss of support among white men. All her individual electoral wins came in a liberal state where the principal challenge was to win over Democratic elites and progressive voters, not centre-right independents who would determine her fate in the Blue Wall states. She would do well to remember that no California Democrat ever has successfully run for president. Her strategists hope that by selecting the right running mate and by adopting a centrist line on controversial issues, she would be able to outperform Trump.

Four years ago, when Biden chose Harris as his running mate, the pandemic was at its peak, and a Zoom meeting of black women was held to build support for her. It attracted just 90 participants. On the night of July 21, however, an estimated 90,000 black women met online in solidarity with Harris. The group, Win With Black Women, mobilised more than 44,000 members to attend a Zoom meeting that went on for hours, finishing past 1am. Zoom typically limits the number of participants to 1,000, but a female executive at its office stepped in to expand the capacity. The group wanted to raise a million dollars in 100 days for Harris, but the target was exceeded in about an hour.

The Harris team hopes that such unprecedented enthusiasm from a critical section of the voters could enable her to beat Trump in the election on November 5. Deborah Delgado, a Democratic official from Mississippi, who was on the Zoom call, could not contain her enthusiasm. “I expect the next few months will see a robust campaign by Harris,” she told the Clarion Ledger. “Hopefully, people who have historically not been excited about voting get that excitement which we need, that we just create a movement that is going to make us victorious in November.”

indian-american-voters-are-jumping-on-to-the-lotus-potus-bandwagon

Sat Aug 10 15:33:34 IST 2024

KAMALA HARRIS, TILL now a heartbeat away from the presidency, could well become the first American president of Indian origin. In the past, there had not been much excitement about her candidacy, but once President Joe Biden 'anointed' her his successor, it is as if she has been reincarnated. Democrats cannot get enough of Harris, her trademark joyful laugh, occasional goofiness and the stern prosecutorial air.

For Democrats who were shell-shocked by Biden's lacklustre debate performance against Donald Trump, Harris has come as an avenging angel. She is now the Rocky Balboa kind of fighter whose fiery words are pure music to them and they would love to see her take on Trump in a national debate. They, however, know that it is going to be a very close election, especially in the battleground states. The results may be decided by a few thousand votes, so Democratic operatives are keen not to repeat the complacency that cost them the 2016 election when Trump beat Hillary Clinton.

All sorts of groups within the Democratic camp have come together for Harris, including major Indian-American organisations. The Indian American Impact Fund, a progressive group, is supporting her campaign planning the largest ever investment in its history. Said Chintan Patel, executive director of the organisation, “As one of the nation’s foremost leaders on reproductive and women’s rights and one who has championed policies that have helped countless small business owners and entrepreneurs, Harris has shown that she is eminently qualified. She is our best chance to safeguard our democracy and fight Trump and his extreme agenda. South Asian voters can make history by electing the first South Asian, Black and woman president.”

So strong is the excitement about the Harris candidacy that scores of new groups supporting her are cropping up. Apart from South Asians for Harris and South Asian Women for Harris, the latest is South Asian Men for Harris, which was launched with a star cast of noted names. It was initiated by tech wiz and president of SAJA (South Asian Journalists Association) Sree Sreenivasan, historian Manu Bhagavan and social media consultant Neil Parekh and was headlined by no less than Salman Rushdie. The July 27 launch featured many political players, including Congressmen Raja Krishnamoorthi of Illinois and Ro Khanna of California, and they spoke about the urgency of supporting Harris and the ways to do it; thousands watched on social media and donated funds.

“I absolutely agree it is a critical moment,” said Rushdie. “I am a boy from Bombay. My wife is African-American, so we like the fact that there is a Black and Indian woman running for the White House. But frankly, ethnicity itself is not enough. We would not be gathering in this way, let us say, for Usha Vance or Nikki Haley. We are here because something very extraordinary and transformative has happened in American politics,” said Rushdie. “The conversation has entirely changed with the arrival of Kamala Harris's candidacy... and we have to make that work, because we cannot allow the alternative to happen. This Hollow Man without a single noble quality trying to drag this country towards authoritarianism, that cannot happen.”

Rushdie was asked about the sceptics within the Indian American community who may not believe in the Harris candidacy for a variety of reasons, including the fact that America would not elect a half-Black, half-Indian woman. “I think times have changed... the way in which the race issue can be made a positive is a new thing. And so, I think there is absolutely no reason why Harris should not win... I think the tide is turning.”

Roohi Rustum, national organising director for Harris for President, also stepped in: “Harris in the first 24 hours of our campaign raised the most ever for any presidential candidate, over $81 million (around Rs680 crore). More than 60 per cent of this was from first time contributors. Hundreds of thousands of grassroots supporters are joining Zoom calls... so many people are joining to talk about Harris and how she is ready.”

Neha Dewan, who started out as a volunteer with Harris before she embarked on her presidential campaign, spoke about her association with Harris, “I was a lead volunteer organiser for her in California. I travelled with her to Nevada and Iowa. Now four and a half years later, to think that we are on the cusp of electing her, it is just so incredibly exciting.” Dewan is co-head of South Asians for Harris.

Apart from Indian Americans, people of Pakistani, Sri Lankan and Nepali origin, and members of the Indo-Caribbean communities are also active in supporting Harris. They have joined hands with the Hispanic and other communities of colour in a common fight to safeguard their rights and freedom.

As writers, tech experts, organisers and academics came together for Harris, thousands more watched on social media channels and pledged their time and money for the campaign. “The Kamala that I know is tough. She is brilliant. She is ready. She is experienced,” said Dewan. “We are talking about a woman who has shattered so many glass ceilings. It is absolutely possible.”

Lavina Melwani is a New York-based writer for several international publications. She blogs at Lassi with Lavina.

the-call-to-leave-the-race-is-perhaps-the-most-important-legacy-of-joe-biden-s-presidency

Fri Aug 02 17:30:36 IST 2024

JOE BIDEN WILL be remembered for his decision to drop out of the presidential race. Given how deep into the election season we are, and the fact that he had staked his reputation on staying committed to the race only days earlier, this could not have been an easy call to make. Had Biden remained obstinate, there was not really anything that the Democrats could have done to end his candidacy this late. This was, therefore, an act of tremendous courage.

That said, his record as president is a mixed bag. Biden has done relatively better on domestic policy. He has overseen the creation of a record number of jobs, made much-needed investment in America's ageing infrastructure and expanded access to critical medicines for senior citizens. The decision to cancel student loans was quite significant, too, in a country where higher education is rather unaffordable.

Perhaps most tellingly, for most of his presidency, Biden faced dire predictions from several economists of an impending recession. So far, the recession has not come, and the expanded public investment spending was probably a key factor in mitigating that. Some pockets of the economy have remained in distress, especially the high-tech sector which saw a flurry of layoffs, but hiring remains robust in most sectors. Inflation and housing costs have been unusually high, but there are some signs that they might cool down in the months ahead. All the same, inflation has perhaps been the biggest blot on Biden's handling of the economy―in part a fallout of the understandable decision to go the 'high spending, high growth' route after the pandemic.

On foreign policy, Biden's record is less flattering. Two major wars began under his presidency―one in Ukraine and the other in Gaza. The US has taken morally inconsistent stands on the two conflicts, which has significantly diluted its credibility and added to scepticism in the Global South toward US leadership. In that sense, Biden's decision to wholeheartedly support Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had an inadvertent impact on his drive to isolate President Vladimir Putin. It was always going to be difficult for the US to convince the Global South to cut Putin loose, but in the wake of the Gaza war, many saw hypocrisy in the way the US responded to the two conflicts and that increased geopolitical space for the Global South to engage with Putin.

The two fronts on which Biden has perhaps been most successful are in rejuvenating NATO, which was lacking in cohesion and confidence under Trump, and avoiding a confrontation with China over Taiwan. Skirmishes with China seemed very likely in the early days of his presidency, but Biden has done reasonably well to keep things under control, and he was perhaps aided by the fact that President Xi Jinping has been distracted by domestic economic crises. Nonetheless, by refraining from grandstanding and bombastic rhetoric towards China―which would have been popular―Biden has done well.

His role as president is now going to be overshadowed by the elections. The fact that his vice president is running in his place could make things more complicated for Biden. On the one hand, Biden personally has nothing to gain or lose in the next six months. Yet, any major developments could impact Kamala Harris's chances, so Biden would want to keep the next six months as uneventful as possible. A drop in inflation would be greatly helpful, but any major events on the domestic or international fronts would possibly only add risk to the Harris campaign.

By most accounts, the decision to leave the race appears to have helped Biden's image. Polls show that most people―both Democrat-leaning and Republican-leaning―approve of his decision to leave the race. However, it is unclear what plans he has after the White House or what role he will play in the Democratic Party.

One-term presidents are relatively rare in the contemporary era. Other than Trump, who may yet serve another term, the last president not to be reelected was George H.W. Bush more than 30 years ago, and Bush had stayed indirectly relevant in US politics through his son who also became president, but he made it a point not to play much of a role in his son's presidential campaign or political career. Now, as America's oldest-ever president, Biden is in a rather unique position, perhaps unlikely to do the sort of work that other former presidents did after their term in office.

Although reports a few weeks ago suggested that Biden was rather sour about the pressure on him to quit, now that he has indeed quit, he may not want to do anything that upsets consensus-building within the party behind Harris. She will continue to champion his economic policies―public investment in infrastructure, health care and education, addressing high student debt and making medicines more affordable. It is a fairly centre-left economic platform focused on social welfare and public spending. It will be interesting to see how Harris handles the issue of immigration, which has become much more of a hot potato in recent months.

Gaza might be the biggest point of difference between Biden and Harris. Biden's policy on Gaza has been tremendously unpopular among key Democrat voters, especially young liberals and first-time voters, and there are signs that Harris has caught on to that already. Just last week, Harris said that she was not going to be silent on the war.

As Biden walks off into the sunset, there could be some concerns about his relationship with Democratic bigwigs like Barack Obama and Nancy Pelosi. There were reports that Biden had felt somewhat betrayed by Obama in particular, and it is possible that reports of Obama's lack of confidence in him had been a factor in his decision to withdraw, given the tremendous popularity that Obama continues to enjoy. But a lot depends on what role Biden sees for himself in politics and in the Democratic Party after he leaves office. Addressing the nation last week, he spoke about stepping aside to allow younger, fresher voices to take over, so he may decide to stick to that line and step back quietly.

Zeeshan is a foreign affairs researcher and writer.

As told to Ajish P. Joy

us-presidential-elections-2024-campaign-donald-trump-kamala-harris

Sat Aug 03 17:32:35 IST 2024

Donald Trump was all set to run against President Joe Biden. When momentum started to build for Biden to drop out, the Trump campaign moderated its fire, hoping Biden would stay in. But now that he has stepped aside and Vice President Kamala Harris is the presumptive Democratic Party nominee, what does it mean for the conduct of the Trump campaign?

Despite a near-death experience from a would-be assassin’s bullet, Trump has already said that he will not be “nice” and has tried to hang the title “lying” on Harris just as he tried to attach “crooked” to Biden. Indeed, the chief effort of the Trump campaign will be to paint Harris in the same negative light as it painted Biden.

Economic and immigration issues

The Trump economy was not the best in history, as Trump falsely claims. The Biden/Harris administration did come up with a bipartisan fix for the border—which Trump torpedoed to keep the issue alive—but facts will take a backseat in the campaign against Harris.

On the economy, Trump will not only try to build an image of Harris as a “socialist,” but a “radical socialist”. Her support of “Medicare for all” in 2020 will be offered as exhibit A in the campaign’s “radical socialist” thrust. Exhibit B may very well be her previous opposition to fracking as opposed to Trump’s “drill baby drill” slogan. According to the Trump campaign, Harris will now be responsible for inflation as a sort of “power behind the throne” who incited Biden to take what MAGA Republicans consider disastrous economic measures.

The Trump campaign can be expected to double down on anti-immigration attacks against Harris, both because of her ethnic background as a child of a Jamaican American father and an Indian American mother and because of her unsuccessful efforts to keep Central American immigrants from moving toward the United States. Internationally, this may well dovetail into a Trump campaign against foreigners generally as taking American jobs, and renewed opposition to outsourcing and H-1B visas.

Because Harris is a woman of colour, Trump and his campaign will tailor personal attacks on her to “dog whistle” issues of race and gender. Harris’ sometimes garbled syntax will be cited to indicate that she is of inferior intellect. She is already being described as “not hard working”. Most prominently, the Trump campaign attacks on “diversity, equity, and inclusion” (DEI) programmes will be applied to Harris. She is being called an example of why DEI programmes produce incompetent officers.

Law and order

It has long been the “stock-in-trade” of Trump to take what his opponent views as strengths and turn them into weaknesses. With Biden, it was his honesty and selflessness as a public servant. The Trump campaign turned it around into attacks on Biden, and accusations of him using public office for self-enrichment. With Harris, it will be her history of criminal prosecution in San Francisco and California as contrasted with Trump as a convicted felon who has seen many of his associates go to prison. Instead of Harris’ track record of being an excellent prosecutor, each law-and-order problem in California will be attributed to her. California will be portrayed as a sort of criminal “hell hole”. Never mind criticism from the left that she was too tough on criminal defendants, Harris will be portrayed as soft on crime and criminals of colour.

Another apparent strength of Harris is her standing up for democracy as opposed to Trump’s attacks on the democratic process. The Trump campaign is already trying to make the case that she is being chosen by a process that is anti-democratic and illegitimate because she did not go through the primaries as a candidate. She is being portrayed as an authoritarian who has risen to her position because of an un-democratic process that she has instigated.

The prominent issue used against Biden that he was “too old” obviously does not apply to Harris who is 18 years younger than Trump. Thus, there will be much less talk about age.

On abortion, the Trump campaign will obviously need to make some adjustments. It is one thing to say to a male opponent that he should not advocate for a woman’s right to choose control over her own body. It is quite different to say directly to a woman that she should not have control over her body. Probably the Trump campaign will deal with this by him not saying much about abortion beyond his appointment of Supreme Court Justices who overturned Roe versus Wade and letting surrogates like vice presidential candidate J.D. Vance work the right-to-life MAGA base.

The Trump campaign will also have to make some adjustments in their drive to split off men of colour, primarily black and Hispanic, from the Democratic coalition. The pitch that “Biden as an old white guy who did not help them much, so why not try something new”, will not be as effective against a woman of colour. Instead, the Trump campaign will need to devise a pitch to these voters emphasising strength and tying it into material prosperity.

Foreign policy

As in most political campaigns, be it in the US or India, foreign policy will take a back seat to domestic issues. But to the extent foreign policy is an issue, the Trump campaign will probably double down on the false dichotomy of male strength versus female weakness.

Harris will be attacked as not having the strength needed to deal with Xi Jinping and that she won’t be able to deal with Putin “man to man” to end the war in Ukraine. On Gaza, she will not be strong enough to let Benjamin Netanyahu, in the words of Trump, “finish the job”. Harris will be pictured as a captive of the foreign policy establishment in support of an outdated NATO and institutions that do not “put America first”.

In summary, Trump will campaign against Harris much the way he did against Biden, only more so. His campaign will make some adjustments, but Trump will continue to follow his own path, and the campaign will have to follow.

Raymond Vickery, Jr. is senior adviser at Albright Stonebridge Group. Previously, he served as assistant secretary of commerce for trade development, where he launched the US-India Commercial Alliance. He also served three terms as an elected member of the Virginia General Assembly and in other political capacities.

republicans-are-recalibrating-their-campaign-to-counter-harris

Fri Aug 02 17:23:49 IST 2024

THE PRESIDENTIAL DEBATE on June 27 between Joe Biden and Donald Trump triggered events, which in 30 days completely metamorphosed the race. Biden’s withdrawal from the contest on July 21, soon thereafter endorsing Vice President Kamala Harris, has set off a 100-day sprint to the November 5 election.

Harris moved quickly to garner the support of a majority of the 3,936 delegates to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago from August 19 to 22. The Democratic Party began radiating enthusiasm as its base stirred in support. The surge in contributions, from mostly new donors, reflected revived morale. Rushing to her first public meeting in the battleground state of Wisconsin, Harris tried to capture the public narrative before the expected Republican counter attack. She targeted Trump and outlined her futuristic vision as against his antediluvian rhetoric.

Biden’s self-sacrifice shifted the public narrative from his disabilities and the attempted assassination of Trump on July 13, to the new reality of a younger, feminine and coloured candidate. Subsequent polls showed the gap between Trump and Harris narrowing considerably. Whether this trend will continue or falter after Trump’s retaliatory response remains uncertain.

The US president is chosen indirectly by the 538-member US electoral college. Candidates winning a state bag all its delegates, except in the case of Maine and Nebraska, where winning districts determine delegate allocation. This method can create anomalies, as in 2016, when Hillary Clinton polled 2.8 million votes more than Trump and yet got 227 electoral college votes against Trump’s 304. In fact, 78,000 votes in three counties in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan determined the winner. The same three states swung back to the Democrats when Biden won in 2020, besides Georgia.

Demographic, economic and sociological factors leave open the possibility of about half a dozen states swinging either way and affecting the outcome. Thus, the presidential elections can hinge on “swing states”. That is why the running-mates for vice presidency are selected to compensate for the presidential candidate’s weakness or rival’s strength in one of those states. Although Trump’s running mate J.D. Vance belongs to Ohio, he was chosen for loyalty and not electoral benefits.

Harris has barely three months to plead her case. Trump can be expected to rant, dissimulate and conduct fact-free monologues. Republicans are recalibrating their campaign to counter Harris, by picking her left-leaning, more liberal stance in the presidential primaries of 2020. On the other hand, as a former high profile public prosecutor, she will reiterate her opponent’s 34 felony indictments.

Her baiting worked as Trump abandoned his call for unity, made at the Republican Convention, by publicly dropping his playing “nice” act. Already the conservative Heritage Foundation's document, 'Project 2025', has proposals that can undermine the US constitution. Like the BJP’s “400 paar'' slogan frightened the backward castes and dalits that the real agenda was to stop reservations, it could have some effect on the US polls. In one of his recent speeches, Biden spoke of the danger to civil rights from an “extreme” Trumpian agenda, in league with the Supreme Court. The battle lines are clearly etched. Democrats will argue democracy and the nation are in danger if Trump returns. Republicans will claim to defend the average non-college educated white man’s idea of a Christian and xenophobic way of life.

Republicans will also launch personal attacks on Harris. She must also create space between herself and some of Biden’s policies without appearing disloyal. One such issue is illegal immigration along the southern US border. Republicans call Harris the immigration “tsar” as Biden had tasked her to address the root causes of immigration. However, it was Trump who stymied a bipartisan border deal.

On the Gaza war, Harris has shrewdly created a gap with Biden’s approach. She skipped Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to the US Congress, which she normally would have attended as the senate’s chairperson. She met Netanyahu separately, and unnamed Israeli officials were quoted saying she gave them “harsher than expected” treatment. This may appeal to youth and minorities upset over Biden‘s seemingly indulgent approach towards Israel.

Polls indicate that most people do not blame Harris for perceived high inflation and bad economy. Even on issues like abortion and same sex marriage, those with a liberal stance outnumber the opponents. Vance’s diatribe against Harris is also proving counterproductive. Democrats need the votes of women, youth and minorities to balance the non-college educated whites rooting for Trump. Republicans are vulnerable on the abortion issue because most women want reproductive freedom. Harris has strongly defended that right, which Vance opposes.

The latest Fox News poll shows a tightening race in battleground states. However, predicting poll outcomes can be risky. In French parliamentary elections, the right-wing party National Rally, led by Marine Le Pen, came third after dominating the recent European parliamentary election. Similarly, in Iran, a liberal candidate won, when, in the run-off phase, an extra turnout of 10 per cent neutralised the conservative candidate’s advantage. Even in India, the BJP claiming to cross 400 seats in parliamentary elections fell 40 seats below the halfway mark.

The November election will show which way the US swings. As a dominant global power, the world’s fate is tied to them.

The author was ambassador to the UAE and Iran, and secretary, ministry of external affairs.

campaign-finance-in-the-us-looks-transparent-but-may-not-be-really-so

Fri Aug 02 17:19:53 IST 2024

THE FINANCING OF electoral campaigns in the US happens at the federal, state and local levels. It has various components that ensure transparency. Sources of funding include individual contributors (max $2,800), political action committees (max $5,000) and super public action committees (no limit but they cannot deal directly with candidates).

The Republican National Committee and Democratic National Committee are primarily responsible for raising and spending money for political campaigns. Both the RNC and DNC are registered with the Federal Election Commission, which is an independent agency that monitors campaign finance. Candidates can also organise fundraising events where attendees have to donate money. That apart, online fundraising happens through social media. There are even merchandise sales. Apparently, Trump merch sales were burgeoning following an assassination attempt on him.

The contribution rules in the US clearly state that a campaign donor has to be a US citizen or lawfully admitted permanent resident. The campaign “does not accept contributions from corporations... unions, federal government contractors, national banks, those registered as federal lobbyists or… foreign nationals….”

The Federal Election Commission, created in 1975, ensures that candidates and party committees disclose sources, amounts of contributions and how they are spent. The FEC has six commissioners appointed by the president and confirmed by the senate. Only three commissioners can be from the same political party and all resolutions require at least four votes in agreement.

Before the FEC was formed, campaign contributions were mostly done covertly. Candidates, back then, used to depend on large donations to fund their campaigns. In the early 1970s the Watergate scandal shook American politics. President Richard Nixon was accused of letting five men break into the Democratic Party headquarters to steal documents. It led to his resignation and paved the way for the FEC Act, which marked a major shift in campaign finance.

In the last few years, the Democrats and the Republicans brought in campaign finance bills, but none of them became law. In 2010, the Supreme Court lifted a ban on corporate and union expenditures for the election or defeat of candidates. Interestingly, the court ruling also brought in super PACs, which are criticised for not having any limit on contributions and for lack of transparency.

“On an individual level, the campaign finance system in the US is very effective,” Sree Sreenivasan, former professor at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism and former chief digital officer of Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, told THE WEEK. “The problem is, the Supreme Court has made it very difficult to go after what is called dark money, which is generated and raised by companies, corporations and special interests. Those make a big difference in the success of candidates big and small.”

Sreenivasan said even though there is excitement over Harris raising $200 million in a short time, “it is a drop in the bucket to how much money they will need. There are unlimited pockets on both sides. Corporations and special interests are much bigger, and better organised and more powerful on the Republican side.”

According to the research group Open Secrets, the top donor for Trump in 2024 is Timothy Mellon of the Pittsburgh banking family who lives in Connecticut. He has donated $75 million for Trump in this cycle. SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, it is said, has privately gathered support for Trump. His money could come in handy in the swing states.

Harris, on the other hand, has personal rapport with many tech leaders at Amazon, Alphabet, Microsoft and Apple. She also has the support of philanthropist Melinda French Gates, Netflix co-founder Reed Hastings, Reid Hoffman of Linkedin, and former Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg. “She has smashed record over record. The majority in her case are first-time and small donors,” Manu Bhagavan, a historian based in New York, told THE WEEK. “I believe she will continue to draw in money to her campaign because it is being excellently run.”

It remains to be seen whether there is donor fatigue, especially in the case of Trump admirers. His legal fund, which pays his lawyers battling out cases against him across the country, is getting millions from his campaign’s biggest donors. So that may prevent small donors from donating for Trump, as they fear their money will be used for his cases. “I don’t think there is any donor fatigue. Both candidates will raise a lot of money in the days to come,” said Ashok Kumar Mago, a Texas based businessman who is a Padma Shri recipient.

Some billionaires have become more vocal for Trump after the assassination attempt, but that kind of fervour is not reflected in their donations. “The assassination attempt had a huge impact the following days,” said Sreenivasan. “It looked as if Trump would easily win against Biden. But he is no longer against Biden. With a new candidate, the entire race has changed. The 100-plus days that are left is an indication on how fast things can move. Huge roller-coaster and seismic changes are going to come.”

Noting that Harris could raise over $200 million within a day, Kevin Olickal, Democratic representative in the 16th district of the Illinois house of representatives, said to THE WEEK, “This renewed optimism and energy in the party is exactly what was missing. The fundraising and volunteer mobilisation sparked by Harris has a psychological effect, and has forced the Republicans into defence. They now have to change their campaign strategy to focus on a candidate who is younger.”

“Going forward, money will not likely be the issue that determines this race,” he said. “Both candidates will have the financial resources necessary to run a competitive campaign. The platform and messaging of each candidate will determine who is the next president.”

republican-hindu-coalition-founder-shalabh-kumar-interview

Sat Aug 03 11:42:47 IST 2024

Interview/ Shalabh Kumar, founder, Republican Hindu Coalition, and a close aide of Donald Trump

CHICAGO-BASED INDUSTRIALIST Shalabh Kumar is the founder and chairman of the Republican Hindu Coalition, and is seen as Donald Trump’s favourite Indian American. Kumar is one of Trump’s prominent donors, and also principal architect of his outreach to the Indian American community.

Edited excerpts from an exclusive interview:

Q/ There are many who say that the assassination attempt on Donald Trump has ensured that he will become the US president the second time. Do you think so?

A/ Yes. Within a minute [of being shot] he gets up and says, “Fight on, ‘fight on,” which means he is no ordinary man. Today, America wants a strong person as its leader. The assassination attempt has elevated Trump’s persona in the minds of the electorate. Whether you are a Republican or a Democrat, that image will not move out of your mind. We have never seen an American leader like that, who gets up immediately after being shot.

Q/ How do you look at the chances of Kamala Harris? Her popularity levels seem to have surged after the exit of Joe Biden.

A/ Yes, there is a lot of excitement among the Democrats. The reason is the contrast between Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. With Biden, Democrats were sensing a rout. [Had he continued] they would have lost the senate, the house of representatives, etc. The Democrats would have got demolished like the Congress in India in 2014. When Biden decides to move out, there is big relief in the leadership of the donor class of the Democratic party. Kamala’s weaknesses will be exposed soon. She has advocated for open borders. She is the type who says we don’t need the police in the country. Her true nature needs to be exposed. She is the most leftist, Marxist [presidential] candidate the US has ever had. The US is not ready for a communist as its leader.

Q/ Author Salman Rushdie endorsed Kamala Harris’s candidacy for the US presidency and said it is great to see an Indian woman running for the White House. Do you believe a large number of Indian Americans will now be tempted to vote for her?

A/ Usha [Vance] is a lot stronger, and a true Indian and Hindu. Her husband [J.D. Vance] cooked vegetarian food for Usha’s mother, and that has much more impact on Indian Americans and Hindu Americans. Kamala hardly acknowledges her Indian roots. Around 99 per cent of the time she is an African American woman. Maybe in select groups she will say she has Indian roots. That can be seen through and [the Indian American] voter will expose that truth. What is Kamala’s policy towards China and Pakistan? She is worse than Hillary Clinton as far as policies towards China and Pakistan are concerned.

Q/ If Trump comes back to power, how do you look at the ties between India and the US evolving? Prime Minister Narendra Modi was one of the first world leaders to condemn the assassination attempt on “friend” Trump.

A/ They are really good friends who clicked together. We did ‘Ab Ki Baar Trump Sarkar’, just like ‘Ab Ki Baar Modi Sarkar’. Trump is totally pro-India. He is dead against terrorism and radical Islam. The US [under Trump] was as aligned with India, as it is with Israel. Under Trump, we [India and the US] made good progress, from 2016 to 2020. Now, from 2024 to 2028 it will be cemented much more. [After that] we look forward to Vance becoming the US president, in 2028, and Usha as the first lady. She has a great influence on Vance.

Q/ Do you believe that Usha Vance as an Indian American Hindu wife will help change the perception about the Republican Party that it is anti-immigrant?

A/ Your assumption [that the Republican Party is anti-immigrant] is incorrect. If you look at articles by prominent Republican leaders over the years, they are all for legal immigration and merit-based immigration. If you are a graduate of an American university you are entitled to get a green card. But if you cross the river and come illegally, that is not going to happen. It has nothing to do with [being] anti-immigrant. It is merit and legal [immigration] vs no merit and illegal [immigration]. The Republican Party believes in merit and legal immigration.

thulasendrapuram-kamala-harris-ancestral-village-in-tamil-nadu

Fri Aug 02 17:09:58 IST 2024

AT AN HOUR’S drive from the city of Thanjavur is a small village in Mannargudi in south Tamil Nadu. At first glance, there is nothing special about Thulasendrapuram―an agrarian village in the Cauvery delta in Thiruvarur district. The surrounding villages, however, cannot match its fame. In 2020, a woman with roots in the village rose to the second highest office in the world’s most powerful country. Four years later, she is all set to run for president.

The heart of Thulasendrapuram is a Dharma Sastha temple. Posters and banners of Vice President Kamala Harris have sprung up around the temple. A kilometre from the temple is a long, narrow, muddy path that leads to the agraharam―the Brahmin settlement. There are a few houses, painted white and saffron, here but there are many vacant plots, too. Most of the families have moved out.

“Gopalan Iyer’s house was on the opposite lane,” says N. Lalitha, wife of a priest in the village. “It is a vacant plot now. They must have moved out of the village many decades ago.” Nonetheless, Lalitha takes pride in calling Thulasendrapuram “Kamala Harris’s village”.

Many of the villagers seem to share similar sentiments. For them, it does not matter whether Harris is Indian or not. Or that she has never visited the village. They are proud of her and see in her a potential US president.

Malarkodi Pugazhenthiran, a 56-year-old who lives in a one-room, thatched house near the temple, was among the women in the village who drew kolams to celebrate Harris becoming vice president in 2020. Pugazhenthiran, who makes vadagam (sun-dried rice cakes) for a living, says she also drew a map of the US in front of her house. What if Harris wins this time? “I will draw the world map, because she will be the topmost person in the world,” she says. She adds that there were several prayer sessions for Harris in 2020 and that they have started again now.

The entire village seems well informed about US politics. They know what Donald Trump stands for. They know why Joe Biden withdrew. R. Vijayakumar, former ward councillor of Thulasendrapuram, watches only the world news on TV these days. Reading up on US election news in the papers, he goes around educating villagers on the latest developments. “It is just general knowledge and political awareness,” he says. “We prayed for her victory [in 2020]. She won last time as VP. Now, again she will win.”

Harris’s maternal grandfather Painganadu Venkatraman Gopalan Iyer moved out of Thulasendrapuram in the early decades of the 20th century to work in Delhi. A civil servant, he was sent to Zambia as director of relief measures and refugees. He went on to become adviser to the first president of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda. Harris’s mother, Shyamala Gopalan, earned a PhD in endocrinology from the University of California, Berkeley. She met and married Jamaican economist Donald J. Harris and settled in the US. Her sister, Sarala, an obstetrician who practised in Chennai, and her brother, Balachandran, an academician who holds a PhD from the University of Wisconsin-Madison, are said to have visited Thulasendrapuram on multiple occasions.

Shyamala and her daughters used to visit Gopalan in Chennai. In her memoir, The Truths We Hold, Harris recalls how she was strongly influenced by Gopalan’s progressive views on democracy and women’s rights. She also mentions her conversations with her grandfather, right from her childhood, through letters and over the telephone.

Villagers say Gopalan used to visit occasionally and had “an excellent quality in himself and always wanted his daughters to be ahead of the times”. He is remembered as a “well-read, progressive man with deep knowledge in world affairs”. Villagers say his family donated money for the Sastha temple in 2014. “Gopalan’s second daughter visited the village temple and donated Rs5,000 in Kamala’s name,” says R. Krishnamurthy, a retired SBI general manager who shuttles between Thulasendrapuram and Chennai. “But, none of us saw her then. We did not know that one day Kamala will be prominent.”

The villagers say Gopalan was known for his ability to be calm under pressure. This quality must have helped him work in Zambia at a challenging time. They say Harris has inherited his qualities, which would help her win the presidency.

“Our Dharma Sastha will ensure her victory,” claims Lalitha.

usha-vance-traces-her-roots-to-the-chilukuris-a-family-of-educators-in-india

Fri Aug 02 17:05:45 IST 2024

IN THE MID-1800S, four brothers of Vadluru village near Tanuku in present-day Andhra Pradesh began a long walk to Varanasi, India’s spiritual capital. After mastering Hindu scriptures there, they returned home and began sharing their knowledge with the villagers. The brothers came to be known as ‘Chilukuri Chatushtaya’―the four pillars of knowledge of the Chilukuri family.

“They were erudite and proficient in Sanskrit,” says Chilukuri Shanthamma of Akkayapalem in Visakhapatnam. Shanthamma’s husband, Chilukuri Subramanya Shastri, is a grandson of one of the ‘Chathushtaya’.

At 96, Shanthamma looks spry even though she cannot move around without walking sticks. She jogs her memory when talking about her illustrious family, whose members include eminent teachers who have shaped India’s academia. The family’s latest newsmaker, though, is someone who is settled abroad―Usha Vance, lawyer and wife of J.D. Vance, the Republican Party candidate for US vice president. Usha is a Chilukuri―she is the granddaughter of Shanthamma’s husband’s brother; her family had migrated to the US in the late 1970s.

Shanthamma’s husband was a professor, as was her brother-in-law. Her father-in-law was the headmaster of a local school. Shanthamma specialised in spectroscopy and vedic mathematics, and claims she is the first woman to hold a PhD in physics in India. She is now professor emeritus at Centurion University at Vizianagaram, and has translated the Gita from Telugu to English and written five volumes on vedic mathematics.

Shanthamma’s second-floor apartment at Akkayapalem reflects her spartan life. The drawing room has plastic chairs and a teapoy, besides a divan and a TV stand. She proudly says she does not have diabetes or blood pressure. “I have not undergone surgeries, too,” she says. “I just have a hearing problem; so you have to talk louder.”

She turns her attention to a set of framed photographs on the TV stand. One of them is of her paternal uncle Deekshithulu, who was a judge in Machilipatnam during the British rule. Shanthamma’s father died before she was born, and it was Deekshithulu who took care of her. “He gave me shelter, clothed me, and gave me an education,” she says.

Shanthamma moved to Visakhapatnam with Deekshithulu’s family. She graduated from Andhra University, where she later served as a professor of physics until her retirement. “I believe in the power of positive thinking,” she says, glancing at a portrait of her mother. “She was also like that. Though she lost her husband when she was 20, she lived till 104.”

She looks at the photo of her late husband, Subramanya Shastri, a Telugu professor at Andhra University who, she says, once declined an opportunity to migrate to the US citing of his love for India. Shastri was known for his mastery of the Gita and the Telugu language. “He was a wonderful person,” she says.

During the Emergency, Shastri was jailed for his links to the RSS. “He was there for two years,” she says. “He taught lessons from the Gita in jail.” The classes, apparently, were so impressive that a prison department officer had a session with Shastri after the Emergency was over.

Between 2000 and 2005, Shastri worked as RSS leader in not just Andhra Pradesh, but also Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Odisha. He and Shanthamma donated their residential property, estimated to be worth around Rs15 crore now, to the RSS-affiliated Vivekananda Medical Trust. They got a token amount in return, with which they bought the flat where Shanthamma now lives. The couple did not have children; Shastri died nearly a decade ago.

Shanthamma now lives with a couple and their two children. “They take care of me, and I take care of them. I cook their lunch, and they cook breakfast and dinner for me,” she says.

Every day, her driver takes her to the university, 70km away. “Lord Krishna said that we were born to do our job. I am doing it,” she says.

G.S.N. Raju, chancellor of Centurion University, says she has “100 per cent attendance”. “She is never on leave…. She is more updated on the latest academic topics than others in the faculty are,” he says. Raju was Shanthamma’s student at Andhra University.

Shanthamma’s brother-in-law Ramashastry, Usha Vance’s grandfather, was one of the most accomplished members of the Chilukuri family. Ramashastry taught at IIT Kharagpur and IIT Madras, where he was also the head of the department of physics. “He worked in one of our labs at Andhra University and then left for Kharagpur,” says Shanthamma. “He developed labs, developed people and, like me, stayed on and taught till the end.”

During his stint at IIT Kharagpur, Ramashastry was sent on deputation to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology for two years. At IIT Madras, he also led an Indo-German collaboration in the 1960s to set up a state-of-the-art physics laboratory. There is an award at IIT Madras named after him for his contributions.

Ramashastry’s son Radhakrishna is also an IIT Madras alumnus. He migrated to the US for higher studies and later became a lecturer at San Diego State University. His daughter, Usha Chilukuri, was born in 1986. Usha met J.D. Vance while she was a student at Yale Law School. The couple got married in 2014.

Shanthamma has been to the US twice, but has never met her grandniece, who is now a high-profile lawyer with a shot at becoming the Second Lady of the US. She says she is worried about the “brain drain” from India to the US.

So what would Shanthamma say if she crosses paths with Usha in the future? “I would say, ‘Don’t allow Indians to stay there.’ Let [them] for some time, [for giving them] a better chance to learn,” she says. “They should not go there for money and enjoyment. Usha has to help Indians this way.”

how-indian-really-are-kamala-harris-and-usha-chilukuri-vance

Fri Aug 02 17:02:10 IST 2024

THE US VICE PRESIDENT and likely presidential candidate Kamala Harris is killing it on the internet! There was a time when the world loved to mock anything Harris-ian―from her unbridled laugh to her dance moves to her love for venn-diagrams to her hair-care routine (apparently, she spends a lot of time on it while on trips) to her “word salads”, when she uses incomprehensible turns of phrase. Today, however, the narrative has turned. What once left people scratching their heads (“What can be, unburdened by what has been”) has now been reclaimed by her supporters. They are mining deep meaning from it, whether she meant it or not. Like her line from a speech last year, when she said, “You think you just fell out of a coconut tree?”

Republicans compared it to a daffy talk show while Democrats spliced it into a Taylor Swift track. But Indians immediately knew what she was talking about. It is exactly the kind of thing an Indian mother would tell her children, like Harris’s Tamilian mother Shyamala told her and her younger sister, Maya. In fact, everything Indian about Harris is thanks to her mother. After separating from her Jamaican husband, Shyamala raised Harris and her sister mostly on her own in a Berkeley suburb.

“My mother, grandparents, aunts and uncles instilled us with pride in our South Asian roots,” Harris writes in her autobiography, The Truths We Hold. “All of my mother’s words of affection or frustration came out in her mother tongue―which seems fitting to me, since the purity of those emotions is what I associate with my mother most of all.”

She remembers how her mother loved to cook, and she would sit in the kitchen and watch her. “She had a giant Chinese-style cleaver that she chopped with, and a cupboard full of spices,” writes Harris. “I loved that okra could be soul food or Indian food, depending on what spices you chose; she would add dried shrimp and sausage to make it like gumbo, or fry it up with turmeric and mustard seeds.”

She has also described her love for south Indian food―“rice and yoghurt, potato curry, lots of dal, idli”―while cooking masala dosa with Indian-American actor-producer Mindy Kaling. While chopping onions, she narrated how her mischievous grandfather would make French Toast with eggs when her grandmother, who was strictly vegetarian (“if it had a mother, it was not getting eaten”), went out of the house. Kaling, on her part, could not stop gushing over Harris’s onion-chopping skills. “Senator Harris, with all due respect, you are kind of a show-off,” she said, to which Harris cackled.

When it comes to fashion, she has mostly stuck to pantsuits in sedate colours by designers like Dolce & Gabbana and Akris. She has largely avoided highlighting her mixed-race heritage through her dressing, even side-stepping the question when someone asked her whether she would wear a sari to her inauguration if elected president. “Let’s first win,” she said smilingly. “My mother raised us with a very strong appreciation for our cultural background and pride. Celebrations that we all participate in regardless of how our last name is spelled. It is the beauty of who we are as a nation.”

Despite these oblique references to her Indianness, Harris has largely avoided the issue, perhaps due to her fear of getting “ghettoised”, or boxed in by her race or gender. Americans, she fears, might not see her as American enough. She has spoken out against racism and anti-Asian hate, but not gone out of her way to reach out to the Indian-American community. Nor has she made any official trips to India since becoming vice president.

For Harris, her Indianness might be a going-back-to-the-roots (“A lotus grows underwater, its flower rising above the surface while its roots are planted firmly in the river bottom,” she wrote in her autobiography, referring to the meaning of her Indian name.) But for Usha Chilukuri Vance, the other Indian-American woman in the news, her Indianness has been more of an attitude, the Indian mentality to excel when out of India. “She has never gotten a B her entire life,” a fellow Yale Law School graduate told The New York Times. Vance, the wife of Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump’s running mate, J.D. Vance, grew up in a middle-class San Diego suburb as the daughter of Indian immigrants from Andhra Pradesh. Her academic background is like a glittering advertisement for an Ivy League education; she studied in Yale College, the University of Cambridge and Yale Law School.

Everything about her spells subdued, subtle and sophisticated, even her appearance at the Republican National Convention, when she made her grand entry into American politics by introducing her husband. She wore a simple sapphire blue dress with one shoulder bare, minimum makeup, her hair let down, with streaks of grey showing. The effect was of a woman who wanted to show who she was, instead of who she wanted to be seen as. Although she is generally reserved, complementing her husband’s flamboyance, she had the right measure of confidence and casualness in her speech.

On the face of it, Vance seems to have the perfect life. She is beautiful (she was featured as one of Yale’s 50 most beautiful women in a campus magazine in 2006) and accomplished. She has a husband who adores her and, in his book Hillbilly Elegy, called her “some sort of genetic anomaly, a combination of every positive quality a human being should have: bright, hardworking, tall and beautiful”. In 2018, the couple, along with their three children and dogs, Pipin and Casper, moved into a 5,000sqft. gothic house in Cincinnati costing $1.4 million, according to The New York Times.

Still, that does not mean she does not have any battles to fight, an important one being her Indian heritage. She has never tried to hide it, speaking about the importance of Hindu spirituality in her life. Even JD, in an interview with Fox News, attributed his spiritual journey to his wife’s Hindu beliefs. The couple married in 2014 in two weddings―a western one followed by a Hindu ceremony officiated by a priest. Vance has also spoken about how she inspired her “meat-and-potatoes” husband to cook vegetarian food for her family. If she decides to fully embrace her Indianness, she might have an uphill task ahead of her, to find acceptance in a party known for its anti-immigrant stance.

For both Harris and Vance, leaning into their Indianness might be risky business, even if they manage to get the Indian-American vote. Still, it would be nice to know how Indian they really are. For example, would they tap their feet to a Diljit Dosanjh number? Would they ‘get’ a Rajinikanth stunt, like him splitting an oncoming bullet into two with his knife? Would they be familiar with draping a sari? Would they be able to appreciate a good sardar joke? All their Ivy League credentials are well and good, but really, this is what the nation wants to know!

the-indian-contingent-at-the-paris-olympics-is-full-of-varied-arcs

Sat Jul 27 13:01:37 IST 2024

From trying to prove that Indian dominance in an athletics event was not a fluke to vying for a third individual Olympic medal, the Indian contingent at the Paris Olympics is full of varied arcs

he first batter to score a century in the Ranji Trophy, S.M. Hadi, had played tennis for India at the 1924 Olympics. So did a criminal lawyer from Cambridge and a medical doctor from London. None of them, or the 10 others they accompanied to Paris, won a medal.

Exactly a century later, as India sends 117 athletes to the Games, once again in Paris, there is at least one solace. None of them has a PIL to file or a patient with a tummy ache to care for. They are all in. And they are all hungry. Some because this will be their last dance at the Olympics, some because it will be their first.

For Neeraj Chopra, another medal in Paris would prove that, yes, an Indian can dominate world athletics and that the throw in Tokyo was not a ‘pinch me’ moment. That the high his gold gave Indian athletics was not fleeting, and that there are now others stepping up their game.

Ask the 4x400m men’s relay team. In the past year, the team of Muhammed Anas, Amoj Jacob, Muhammed Ajmal Variyathodi and Rajesh Ramesh have won gold at the Asian Games―the first Indian team to do so since the days of Milkha Singh―and have broken the Asian record by clocking in at 2.59.05 in the heats at the World Athletics Championships in Budapest in August 2023. In an incredible feat, they finished fifth in the final.

“From an Indian perspective, we need to go past measuring success with medals,” said Manisha Malhotra, former tennis player and head of sports excellence and scouting at JSW Sports. “I do believe we are in a very good place heading into Paris. The Indian contingent is a lot younger, and many of our athletes have spent a lot of time competing and training abroad. Some have also won multiple World Championship medals and that is cause for all of us to be hopeful.”

Perhaps athletics might not get India many medals, perhaps only Chopra would get to the podium, and even that is not guaranteed. The real measure of progress, however, would be to see how many Indian athletes make it to the final of their events. In that, the nation might see some bright spots.

But if medals are the barometer, then India has to cross seven, the tally in Tokyo. And for that, the shooters would have to be on target. Three years ago, the group of world beaters returned empty handed from Japan in what was a morale-crushing outing.

Manu Bhaker took it particularly hard. The talented shooter from Haryana had been excellent leading up to the Olympics, but her weapon malfunctioned in the qualification round of the 10m air pistol, and that set the tone for the rest of the Games.

“It was just bad luck,” said Sift Kaur Samra, the world record holder in 50m Rifle Three Positions. “I was not part of that team, but I know that they gave it their 100 per cent. I think if you do not keep expectations, then you just go with the flow and enjoy [shooting].”

Bhaker is back at the Games in Paris, and has reunited with coach Jaspal Rana after a falling out in 2021. She seems to have put behind what happened in Tokyo, and will have three chances to medal in Paris―women’s 10m air pistol, women’s 25m pistol, and 10m air pistol mixed team.

“In what may sound like a mix of optimism and confidence, I will say that India could surpass the seven medals from Tokyo,” said Rushdee Warley, CEO of Inspire Institute of Sport, one of the country’s top coaching and training centres. “Of course, this is sport, and everything needs to go perfectly right on the day, along with a little luck. But if things stay true to form, I feel India could see its highest ever tally at an Olympic Games.”

What could work for India is simple maths. The nation has sent its largest-ever shooting contingent to the Games this time. If Tokyo saw 15 Indian shooters, Paris will see 21. More athletes, more chances.

“To be frank, shooting is a difficult sport; it has very fine margins and anyone can win or lose on a certain day,” said Malhotra. “We’re going in with a very strong and very different contingent and I have big hopes for shooting. I believe we should be able to win five medals, but I think three would be more realistic and would be a good performance. These are young kids, not many big names or big personalities, and I believe that is going to be the big story in Paris.”

It could be the big story, but heading into the Games, there are stories galore in the Indian camp. Like P.V. Sindhu’s quest to become arguably the greatest individual Olympian from India. She already has a silver and a bronze, and if she can add another medal here, she becomes the only Indian in an individual sport to collect three―a couple of men from India’s golden generation of hockey have four.

Sindhu’s form leading up to the Games might not inspire any medal talk; she has made only one final in tournaments this year. Plus, she turns 30 next year.

However, this is an athlete known to step up. “She has always been a big tournament player,” said H.S. Prannoy, Sindhu’s squad mate. “No matter what happens in the entire year of Super Series events, when it comes to the big events, she is able to deliver. I’m hoping she gets into that mood once again.”

In what might surprise many, this is Prannoy’s first time at the Olympics. The veteran had a stellar 2023, winning bronze at the World Championships and the Asian Games, but frequent bouts of ill health scuppered his progress. He was down with chikungunya just weeks before the Games, but as soon as he recovered, he was back on the court. His focus now is on increasing his speed to keep up with the young legs on the circuit. For Prannoy at Paris, it is better late than never.

Fellow Malayali P.R. Sreejesh knows that feeling. He had it last time; it was his third Olympics. At Tokyo 2020, India won an Olympic medal (bronze) for the first time in 41 years. Sreejesh was instrumental in that campaign.

And now, as he walks into the sunset after these Games, he leaves behind a team that a nation has rallied behind, and one that is in the process of restoring the glory that Dhyan Chand and his men had achieved.

When THE WEEK spoke to hockey captain Harmanpreet Singh last August, he said the dream was to get automatic qualification into the Olympics by winning gold at the Asian Games in Hangzhou. They ticked off that box, but a bigger one awaits.

“Coming into a tournament, you have got an ideal goal and a realistic goal,” coach Craig Fulton told THE WEEK ahead of last year’s Asian Games. “The ideal goal is always to win. The challenge is: what is the realistic goal? How were you performing consistently in the last six months and what are you doing currently?”

In the past six months, India has not had a great run. They have had more losses than wins, including the 0-5 defeat in the series in Australia. Plus, India is in a tough pool with Australia, Belgium, Argentina and New Zealand.

Given that little separates the top teams in hockey at the moment, and anyone can beat anyone, getting a good start will be crucial.

“The whole nation has a lot of hopes from the hockey team,” said Hockey India president Dilip Tirkey, himself a stalwart of the game. “The way the team has been playing under coach Craig Fulton after the 2023 World Cup (where India got knocked out early) has been good. Sreejesh and Manpreet are playing their fourth Olympics and Harmanpreet is captain. We have a lot of hope. The team will have to focus on short corners and defence.”

Defence, though, is not Aman Sehrawat’s preferred strategy. The 21-year-old likes to be on the attack, which complements his high speed.

Coming out of the turmoil that India’s wrestling scene has been in recently―what with the allegations against former Wrestling Federation of India chief Brijbhushan Singh and the wrestlers’ protest at Jantar Mantar―Sehrawat became the only male grappler from India to qualify for the Paris Olympics. Apart from 2016, when Sakshi Malik won bronze, the men have delivered medals for India in every Olympics since 2008.

Sehrawat’s path in the 57kg category went through his idol and Tokyo silver-medallist Ravi Dahiya, whom he beat in the race for the quota. Sehrawat is, along with Antim Panghal in the women’s 53kg category, the only Indian wrestlers with a seeding at these Olympics. This means they would avoid tougher draws till later in the tournament.

The big question, however, is whether the mess within the federation would end up costing India on the mat. “To some degree, I do believe the timing of the events off the mat, and to have no federation in place and nobody calling the shots, have affected performance,” said Malhotra. “That being said, we should have been able to manage and grow the sport. Everyone was so quick to sideline the progression and there were so many political systems at play that we have not done what is best for the sport.”

In essence, it would seem that whatever medal India does win in wrestling, would most likely be in spite of the system rather than because of it.

Another sport where the women will hog more of the limelight is boxing. Two-time world champion Nikhat Zareen (50kg) and Tokyo bronze-medallist Lovlina Borgohain (75kg) are in the fray, with the former competing in her first Olympics.

Borgohain will have the experience of having done it before as she steps into the ring in Paris. That she won gold at the Women’s World Boxing Championships last year in Delhi and later silver at the Asian Games in Hangzhou has boosted her reputation heading into these Games. It also validated her switch to 75kg from the 69kg category, which the International Boxing Association dropped from the Paris Games.

The competition, however, is strong with names like China’s former world champion Li Qian, whom she has had no luck against recently, and the refugee team’s Cindy Ngamba, who beat Borgohain in the Czech Grand Prix this June.

But up for grabs for the Assamese boxer is the chance to create history by becoming India’s first double medallist in the sport. The country so far has three medals in boxing―one each to Vijender Singh, Mary Kom and Borgohain.

But the fact that an athlete winning two medals becomes historic in India also points to where the nation stands at the moment. While crossing the medal tally from Tokyo will and should be celebrated, it is worthwhile to remember that India at the Olympics is still a work in progress.

For in India, there has been a romanticisation of the struggles athletes overcome. Ideally, they should not be facing struggles that are not sport-related, in terms of money or opportunity. “I could not agree more,” said IIS’s Warley. “Yes, Indian sport is rife with stories of athletes coming from difficult backgrounds and making it big, and while we might not be able to affect the genesis, it is down to the system to identify, harness and support these athletes once they have been taken into the fold. A robust public-private-partnership model goes a very long way in making sure we do not lose talented athletes to lapses that stem from limitations.

“At the IIS, the effort is constant to ensure that we are giving our athletes the best chance to succeed. Many of our Olympics-bound athletes have been training across the world in the build-up to the Games. There are other private organisations, too, doing their bit, and the results are there for all to see. However, we will need a dozen more IISs if we are to bridge this gap.”

In 1924, Dorabji Tata had personally paid for most of the Indian contingent’s expenses and, a few years after, helped set up the Indian Olympic Association.

The field is much larger now. “Corporate investment is key because of two reasons,” said Sanjay Adesara, chief business officer, Adani Sportsline. “For starters, the athletes need a support system because sport is expensive and second, associations of this nature and magnanimity always helps the growth of the brand. Therefore, it is a win-win in that sense.”

The emergence of corporate help does not mean that the government has done nothing, as Union Sports Minister Mansukh Mandaviya explains in an interview (page 48 ).

Hockey, for instance, has been associated with the Odisha government for a few years now. “With Hockey India going sponsor-less, the Odisha government felt the need to get into that role so that the emotional connect [of hockey] with Odisha and India can be restored,” said Ranjit Parida, joint secretary, sports and youth services department, Odisha. “So that story actually began from the concerted effort of the Odisha government to support hockey.”

The progress, though, is still a jog, not a run. “We are still nowhere when it comes to track and field, cycling, rowing and swimming, which [offer] the highest [number of] medals. There is a big space for improvement and, for us to be able to factor in the growth in medals, it has to be a very strong system, which we do not have at the moment. We are currently investing in individual athletes, and that will not give you a sustainable long-term model.”

Perhaps that is the benchmark; being known for dominance in a sport rather than being known for an athlete who dominates the sport. Dhyan Chand’s men would agree.

union-sports-minister-mansukh-mandaviya-interview

Sat Jul 27 12:46:16 IST 2024

Interview/ Mansukh Mandaviya, Union sports minister

Q/ What are your expectations from the Paris Games?

A/ My own expectations, like those of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, are that each person in the 117-athlete contingent will produce the best efforts in keeping with their talent and the amount of hard work in preparing for the world’s biggest celebration of sport. I am confident that India will return with its best performance in an Olympic Games.

Q/ How satisfied are you with the Indian contingent’s preparations?

A/ Since being handed the responsibility of the ministry, I have spent a lot of time visiting the National Centres of Excellence to interact with athletes and coaches. I am confident that each of our athletes is well prepared.

In the current Olympic cycle, the government has spent Rs 470 crore for the 16 disciplines in which athletes have qualified for Paris. From funding their training and competition, in India and abroad, to helping them with the best coaching and support staff, the government has done everything.

Q/ What specific measures has the government taken to help the contingent give a good fight, and to tone up India’s position on the global sports map?

A/ First, the government has always worked keeping the athlete on the centre-stage. Be it in sanctioning 890-plus international exposure [trips] or funding athletes to be stationed overseas for long spells, be it flying them to secure the best sports medicine and sports science support or be it in helping them work with reputed foreign coaches, the government has undertaken a number of steps to empower them to showcase their best efforts in Paris. In all this, we have worked closely with the National Sports Federations and the Indian Olympic Association. This time, our 117 athletes are supported by 140 coaches and support staff, with a 13-member medical team as well.

Q/ The other part of the question…

A/ A large percentage of our population does not play recreational sport, let alone competitive sport. The government is making efforts to get more people to play sport by spreading physical literacy to the entire range of our population to improve the overall health of our people and reduce lifestyle diseases. This will create a wider pool of talent to draw from so that India marks its presence more tellingly on the global sports landscape.

Q/ The last time Paris hosted the Olympics, India, then under the British, had sent 13 athletes. Now there are 117. But the most medals that India has won in a single edition is seven. Why do you think India is moving at such a slow pace?

A/ We must not view Olympic sport only through the prism of medals to gauge growth and evolution. We should look at the number of World Championship medals Indians win nowadays. We should look at how Indian athletes reflect the fearlessness of ‘New India’ and are able to express themselves on the global stage.

Take athletics, for example. There is a reason the government has spent nearly Rs100 crore on track and field athletes in the present Olympic cycle. If we look through the prism of the number of Indians making it to the finals in World Championships, we will find evolution. We will work to close the gap between reaching finals and making it to the podium.

Having said that, the government will work with all stakeholders to ensure a faster rate of growth. Some of the steps that have already been taken include the identification of disciplines in which the number of medals is large and where Indian athletes can be competitive. We are investing in cycling and are confident that breakthrough performances will not take long in coming.

Q/ Do you think the Wrestling Federation of India controversy could have hampered the preparations of the grapplers?

A/ The resilience of Indian wrestling is such that it has a strong representation in the Paris Games. And I can say with confidence that all wrestlers who will compete in Paris will go there with the best preparation behind them.

Q/ The Target Olympic Podium Scheme, a flagship programme of the sports ministry, completes a decade this year. How do you evaluate its success and are there plans to increase investment?

A/ Envisaged by Modi ji, the Target Olympic Podium Scheme has plugged many gaps that existed in the system when it came to supporting elite athletes in their quest to win medals for the country. To my mind, it has been very successful in attaining its core objectives by addressing proposals from our athletes with alacrity. I can tell you that there has been no cap on the amount of spends through TOPS. The Mission Olympic Cell evaluates each proposal, and the ministry acts on its recommendations.

Q/ What other plans are in the pipeline to improve sporting infrastructure?

A/ While sports is a state subject in the Constitution, the Central government has never hesitated in funding sports infrastructure projects across the country. The Central government supplements their (states and Union territories) efforts through the Khelo India Scheme’s utilisation, and creation and upgradation of sports infrastructure vertical. I am happy to share that the Khelo India Scheme has funded more than 300 sports infrastructure projects to the tune of Rs3,000 crore.

Aware that coaching standards at all levels need improvement, the ministry is working towards improving coach education in our country. We have encouraged the NSFs to make sure that their coaches are abreast of the latest knowledge systems through the respective international federation’s coaching programmes. I am personally invested in this aspect of sport in our country as I believe it is the key to us emerging a stronger sporting nation.

Q/ What do you think of more and more corporates getting into the sports ecosystem? How is the government leveraging this investment?

A/ The increased interest is welcome, indeed, but we must remember that Indian sport has been supported by corporate India over many years. I am particularly pleased that public sector undertakings like NTPC and REC (Rural Electrification Corporation) India have taken the lead in supporting disciplines like archery, boxing, badminton and athletics. Coal India has funded the establishment of hostels for the trainees in Bengaluru, Sonipat and Gwalior. There has been effort to structure the CSR support in specific sports like weightlifting and even middle- and long-distance running.

Q/ What do you make of India’s bid for the 2036 Olympic Games? Is it a realistic target?

A/ Of course, it is a realistic target. A lot of work is being done behind the scenes and the IOA leadership is constantly in touch with the International Olympic Committee’s Future Host Commission that assesses every bid. The government will extend all support to the IOA to ensure that all requirements as per the bid documents and processes are met in time.

Q/ If India gets the 2036 bid, what should be the target for the country in terms of medals at the Olympics?

A/ It is way too early to speak of medal predictions. However, we are hoping that India will have made the strides to be in the top 10 on the medal tally by doing well in a number of disciplines.

Q/ India is pushing for the inclusion of yoga in the 2036 Olympics. What are the challenges ahead in promoting it as a global sport?

A/ The ancient Indian discipline is now emerging as a competitive sport run by a world body. You will be aware of Modi ji’s efforts to get yoga global recognition by having the United Nations declare June 21 as International Yoga Day. I am confident that such efforts will popularise yoga as a globally competitive sport. We have seen yoga being introduced as a medal discipline in the Khelo India Games and the National Games as well. The addition of yoga in the Asian Games sets a positive precedent for its potential future inclusion in the Olympic Games.

Q/ India ranked at the top of the World Anti-Doping Agency’s list of dope offenders for 2022. What are the measures being taken to educate athletes and coaches about the dangers of doping?

A/ First and foremost, it must be considered that the number of Adverse Analytical Findings was a result of the National Anti-Doping Agency’s sustained testing programme across the country and at all levels. The number of tests and the targeted testing have produced these results, serving as a deterrent to other athletes. I am sure that NADA will continue its good work in the war against doping. The one truth is that dopers will be caught, sooner or later.

Besides an effective testing programme, NADA has been conducting numerous workshops and education programmes during various competitions. It has made available an app for athletes to ensure that any medication they are prescribed does not contain banned substances. India has also established a nutrition supplement testing centre in the National Forensic University in Gandhinagar to certify that batches of these supplements are free of banned substances.

Yet, despite such sustained efforts, some athletes seek shortcuts. We are making athletes at all levels aware of the dangers of doping, especially to their own health and the image of the country.

indian-olympic-association-president-p-t-usha-interview

Sat Jul 27 12:42:21 IST 2024

Interview/ P.T. Usha, president, Indian Olympic Association

Q/ How many medals do you expect at the Paris Olympics?

A/ Expectations are always high. I am confident that our team will perform well in Paris. In Tokyo, we made a historic leap in medal count. We finished with seven―one gold, two silver and four bronze. If you ask me for a name, I will definitely say Neeraj. He is our prime hope. We are hopeful in athletics, boxing, shooting, badminton and weightlifting. I will not say an exact number. I do not want to pressure our athletes. Let them fight for medals in good spirit. Let us hope they will make us proud.

Q/ The Olympics is a big stage. As you have said, athletes face a lot of pressure out there. How will the IOA help them overcome it?

A/ We have made every arrangement to help our athletes overcome pressure. We have a special team that includes a mental conditioning coach and sleep therapists to tackle the issue.

Q/ Exactly 40 years ago, you missed out on an Olympic medal by a whisker. And now you attend the Games as the president of a national governing body. What difference do you feel?

A/ Both situations are unique. Both give me immense satisfaction.

neeraj-chopra-faces-a-tough-battle-in-the-men-s-javelin-event-paris-olympics

Mon Aug 05 18:36:18 IST 2024

As usual, there is much excitement around a reigning Olympic and world track and field champion ahead of an Olympics. Unusually, that champion is Indian. No longer is the Indian Olympic experience restricted to cheering on the brave underdog, for, in Neeraj Chopra, India finally has the big dog.

Following the euphoria of Tokyo 2020, Chopra was ubiquitous. It is quite possible that more Indians have seen him in advertisements than those who have seen him competing. Thankfully, Chopra the athlete did not get lost in his celebrity.

Starting with the Paavo Nurmi Games in June 2022, he competed in 17 events and won 11. He was second in the other six. He consistently hit 85m and improved his personal best twice. After becoming the first Indian to win a silver at the World Athletics Championships, in 2022, he told media that he would win gold the next time. After winning that gold in 2023, he said many athletes had won the same medal many times and that he would push himself to do the same.

Going into Paris 2024, there had been concerns about an adductor niggle that had troubled Chopra, but his German coach Klaus Bartonietz allayed fears by confirming that there was no issue and that Chopra was in high-intensity training.

When asked how he keeps himself motivated after all that he has achieved, Chopra, who was THE WEEK’s Man of the Year in 2022, simply said: “I like it. Training for hours daily is a challenge.”

However, there have been times when his best has not been enough. Since the gold-winning 87.58m in Tokyo 2020, he finished second with his personal best of 89.94m in 2022―Grenada’s Anderson Peters piped him to the gold with 90.31m. In the 2022 World Athletics Championships, too, it was Peters who won gold (90.54m against Chopra’s 88.13m). Finland’s Oliver Helander, too, beat Chopra’s 89.30 with 89.83m in 2022. In May 2024, the Czech Republic’s Jakub Vadlejch beat Chopra’s season best of 88.36m to the gold with 88.38m.

Vadlejch, who is the current world No. 1 (Chopra is second), won the silver in Tokyo. He could be Chopra’s main challenger in Paris. His personal best is 90.88m and season best is 88.65m. World No. 3, Julian Weber of Germany, has a best of 88.37m this season. Peters, rank five, has a massive personal best of 93.07m, but his season best is 86.62. There are others in the fray who have hit 90m, like 22nd rank German Max Dehning (90.20m this year) and Pakistan’s Arshad Nadeem, who won silver at the 2023 World Championships. He has a best of 90.18m, but his season best is 84.21m.

Chopra is supremely unperturbed about not breaching the 90m-mark. He has said that it will happen when it has to. “If I take the pressure, I may not be able to do the 88m-89m throws I do,” he said, adding that he focuses on giving his 100 per cent during a competition. Chopra, 26, has shown since Tokyo 2020 that regularly hitting high 80s may be more important to winning events than breaching 90.

At Paris 2024, Chopra will be joined by Kishore Jena, the world No. 7. And, while the Indians have a tough field to contend with, Chopra’s incredible consistency should once again see him through.

nikhat-zareen-wants-better-than-bronze-but-being-unseeded-in-the-50kg-category-could-make-her-path-tricky

Sun Jul 28 16:28:27 IST 2024

As per the Indian orthodoxy, disrespect for elders is a transgression of the highest order. The extent of the backlash for this grave offence grows in proportion to the reputation of the senior. Having questioned the supremacy of India’s single most celebrated boxer ever, Nikhat Zareen knew it was going to be tough. However, like many successful sportswomen in India, she was armed with the experience of battling patriarchy. Zareen was ready.

Her ask was a fair trial ahead of Tokyo 2020. It was too precious an opportunity. She could not afford to be coy just because six-time world champion Mary Kom was in her division. She got the opportunity, but lost to Kom in the trial. The legend also refused a handshake after the bout. Zareen left the arena in tears. The online trolls pounced. But, the name-calling did not last long.

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The Telangana boxer’s in-ring performances since 2021 silenced critics. In 2022, she beat Tokyo silver medallist, Turkey’s Buse Naz Cakiroglu, soon to be the 50kg category world champion. Zareen herself became world champion in the 52kg and dedicated it to Kom. “No victory is complete without your idol’s blessings,” she said. Kom said she was proud of Zareen’s performances. Zareen also won the 2022 Commonwealth gold in the 50kg category. And won her second World Championships, at New Delhi, in 2023, in the 50kg category. This made her the only Indian female boxer other than Kom to win more than one World Championships. But, she only got bronze at the Hangzhou Asiad later in the year.

After a vacation, she resumed training and bounced back in style. Ahead of Zareen’s Olympic debut, there are no concerns about form as she won silver at the Strandja Memorial in Bulgaria in February and followed it up with gold in the Elorda Cup in Kazakhstan in May. The 28-year-old is confident of a podium finish in Paris and says the colour of the medal matters to her as she wants to better what Kom and Lovlina Borgohain did―bronze at London and Tokyo, respectively. But, her path could be tricky as she is an unseeded contestant―a result of the strategic switch to the 50kg category which had been made with Paris 2024 in mind.

Zareen’s preference to fight at mid-range (about an arm’s length away) may make life difficult against top boxers who are master clinchers (clinch is when boxers look like they are hugging). This is how Thailand’s Raksat Chuthamat got the better of her at Hangzhou, but Zareen believes the advantage of her style―being able to adapt fast― makes it effective. Zareen, who trained in Turkey under the Target Olympic Podium Scheme, aims to be an all-rounder who can go anywhere the fight leads. She wants to ensure that if the likes of Chuthamat or Vietnam’s Nguyen Thi Tamin strike and miss, she gets the time and distance to counter-punch.

ALSO READ | Badminton star Lakshya Sen's mantra - one match at a time

Outside the ring, Zareen is uncomplicated. She has revealed her father encouraged sports in the hope of his not-so-bright daughter landing a sports quota job. She has spoken about comforting her mother, who was worried by her bruised and bloodied face, that suitors would queue up once she made it big. Clearly, an open personality, but, in the ring, she never lets her guard down.

vinesh-phogat-s-path-to-paris-has-been-a-rollercoaster-ride-a-medal-there-would-be-the-fairytale-ending

Sat Jul 27 12:29:01 IST 2024

On her road to Paris, Vinesh Phogat had an unlikely sparring partner―the Delhi Police. There she was, a two-time World Championship medallist protesting on the road, skin touching asphalt, as she took on the might of former Wrestling Federation of India president Brijbhushan Sharan Singh. “They did such badtameezi (ill-mannered acts) that they tore our clothes,” she told ESPN. “They knew we were wrestlers and attacked us in covert ways. They twisted our legs so that we would get injured. One officer twisted Sangeeta’s [her cousin and wrestler] knee and I had to intervene and say she needs to wrestle, stop doing that. They would scratch us with their nails in a manner that it wouldn’t be seen. They pulled our hair in the guise of pulling us.”

Phogat was taking a stand for a handful of female wrestlers who had accused Singh of sexual assault. The case is still in court and, as fate would have it, the trial against Singh begins on July 26, the day the Olympics begin in Paris. 

This is Phogat’s third bite at the cherry―having lost out in 2016 and 2021―and a win here would make it the sweetest. For this time, it is about more than just proving that she deserves a chair at the champions’ table. It is personal, it is political, it is everything in between.

The past two years have been tough for the three-time Commonwealth gold medallist. Not only did she have to face death threats and barbs about using “politics to save a drowning career”, but also had to take care of her wonky knee, which required surgery.

When she did return to the mat, it was not in her natural weight category of 53kg; that spot went to the talented Antim Panghal, one of the bright spots in an otherwise bleak phase of Indian wrestling.

No, Phogat had dropped down to 50kg, in which she won a quota for the Paris Olympics. Her options to head to Paris were―take on Antim for the 53kg spot (if the WFI conducted trials, which it did not), go up to 57kg and face physically stronger wrestlers, or drop down to 50kg, a category she had last wrestled in consistently in 2018. She went with the mad option of losing about 10kg to make the 50kg category and breezed through the competition at the Asian qualifiers to book the ticket to Paris.

However, unlike Antim in the 53kg category, Phogat is not seeded in her own group, which means she will go into the tournament blind. She could not rack up the points needed for seeding as she was out of competition or was still adjusting to the weight class when she did compete in those ranking tournaments. The system works in a way that the seeded athletes avoid each other till the later rounds. Phogat, though, could end up facing the No. 1 seed Yui Susaki, who is the reigning Olympic and world champion, in the first round and get knocked out.

And that is when the critics will show up once again with their “told-you-so”s. But, as a woman who has been fighting the police, politicians and the system, Phogat would take her chances on the mat. After all, the mat is home.

mirabai-chanu-weightlifting-paris-olympics-2024

Sat Jul 27 12:21:25 IST 2024

If another word can give ‘legend’ a run for its money in the realm of overused terms in sports, it would be ‘redemption’. So common is the use of the word that fans may be left to wonder whether any professional athlete has ever managed a career sans a redemption arc.

But, Saikhom Mirabai Chanu’s is a redemption story in its truest sense. After her humble beginnings in a Manipur village, where she was noted for lifting firewood bundles too heavy for her brother, she made it big to represent India at Rio 2016. The 21-year-old failed to register a valid lift in the clean and jerk.

But, within a year, she became only the second Indian weightlifter, after Karnam Malleswari, to win gold at the World Weightlifting Championships. And when the Games reached Tokyo, Mirabai was on the podium on the opening day with a silver medal in the 49kg category.

The journey till Tokyo fits the ‘redemption’ bill, but there would be more in store. She suffered a wrist injury in training, and battled pain to win silver at the 2022 World Championships in Colombia. Then, at the Hangzhou Asian Games in 2023, she fell and injured her thigh when her hip gave out during a clean and jerk lift. She had been in pain since her final lift in snatch, but kept pushing in the clean and jerk to try and secure a medal. The on-stage collapse was during her third try. A limping Mirabai was helped out of the arena.

She was out of action for six months. These were crucial days. In rehabilitation, she was not only missing training but qualification events as well. This led to genuine fears regarding her qualification for Paris 2024. She returned to competition in April, at the World Cup in Thailand. It was the final qualifier for the Olympics and a compulsory event for weightlifters to be eligible for Paris. Mirabai managed a twelfth-placed finish to seal her Olympic berth. She will be the only Indian weightlifter in Paris.

Mirabai has said that she was targeting a 90kg snatch (her best is 88kg) and a better clean and jerk lift in Paris. She was not lifting more than 80 kg during training. In her own words, she was 100 per cent recovered but 80-85 per cent fit in training. “I can’t set a target,” she said. “I will do what it takes and give my best to win a medal, but I can’t predict the colour.”

She has been choosy about her participation in competitions. The World Cup was her only competition after the injury. “I was apprehensive about another injury,” she said. “I didn’t want to spoil my Paris chances.”

Le Ferte-Milon, France, was her acclimatise-base. National coach Vijay Sharma and conditioning coach Dr Aaron Horschig are part of the team.

It is predicted that she will have to target a total lift of 200kg-plus to claim a second Olympic medal. Her personal best of 205kg and the then clean and jerk world record of 119kg came at the 2021 Asian Championships in Tashkent. True, there is no clear picture of her recent form. But, there is nothing to suggest that Mirabai’s determination would not get her back on the podium.

It is said that the darkest hour is just before dawn. Mirabai has worked hard through the darkness. How can dawn be far away?

sport-shooter-sift-kaur-samra-paris-olympics

Fri Aug 02 23:34:36 IST 2024

You need a steady hand to handle a rifle. Or a scalpel. Sift Kaur Samra has done both. Not only did she clear the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test, which is in itself an achievement, but she also broke the world record in 50m Rifle Three Positions at the 2023 Asian Games.

“When I planned for NEET, I had a thought that I’m going to leave shooting and this would be my last national [games],” she told THE WEEK. “And at that national, because I was not under any pressure and I was just so relaxed, I broke the national record. And I was like, okay, this is the way I should play the match. No tension, no pressure, nothing. You know how to shoot. You know how to perform. It is just that how you control your thoughts. I really am thankful to medical for helping me understand my shooting.”

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This clarity of thought is a hallmark of Sift’s game. The 22-year-old from Punjab started shooting when she was 16; she had seen her father’s friend, a shooter, on television, and her father had then taken her to the range.

Six years later, she’s at her first Olympics, and that too in what they call the hardest event in shooting. “Changing into three positions (kneeling, prone and standing) and carrying a lot of stuff with you is really difficult. And more than that, we have to face a lot of challenges,” she said. “If there is wind, you have to shoot. You cannot wait.”

All this makes the world record all the more impressive. In fact, when asked if she would rather have a world record or a major medal, she chose the former. “When I broke the world record, P.V. Sindhu texted me. She said, ‘Enjoy this, roz roz world record nahi toot-tey (world records aren’t broken every day),” she said. “That was a really beautiful line.”

ALSO READ | In his last Games, hockey GK P.R. Sreejesh aims to better Tokyo bronze

Sift would look to emulate Sindhu, who won a medal in her debut Olympics in Rio 2016. And her calmness would be an advantage. Sift looks at the Olympics as just another tournament, and she will just stick to her guns. “I have to do the same thing that I do in my training and I do in my competition,” she said.

That she does not have the baggage of the Tokyo failure―the Indian shooting contingent had gone in with high hopes to the previous Olympics, but was off target―could help her keep a clear head during tense situations.

In a recent episode of The Great Indian Kapil Show, Sift was a plant in the audience who was picked out to join former Olympians Mary Kom, Saina Nehwal and Sania Mirza on the couch. She showed off her skills in front of the studio audience and was given advice by the veterans.

If she keeps her momentum―she won bronze at the ISSF Munich World Cup last month―Sift could not only erase the blemishes of Tokyo 2020, but also enter the league of the ladies she shared that stage with.

indian-track-and-field-athlete-avinash-sable-paris-olympics-2024

Mon Aug 05 18:31:26 IST 2024

It is okay to lose a battle if you win the war. This is the philosophy that Avinash Sable seems to have embraced ahead of Paris 2024. Only, the Indian Army athlete chose to skip some battles altogether.

The Commonwealth Games silver medallist, who often starts the season early, has competed in just three 3,000m steeplechase events this year. At the Portland Track Festival in the US, he clocked 8:21.85 before managing 8:31.75 at the National Inter-State Championships in Panchkula, Haryana. Then, at the Paris Diamond League, Sable clocked 8:09.91 to smash the Indian 3,000m steeplechase record for an outlandish tenth time. The new personal best, his first sub-8:10s-finish, saw him crossing the line sixth, in a race that saw five of the top six set new personal bests.

His timing in Panchkula at the end of June and in Paris at the start of July seem like chalk and cheese. A staggering 20-second plus difference. One reason could be that the competition was lower in India―the athlete who finished second was 15 seconds behind him. But, there is more to it than that. His thin schedule this year shows that he wanted to peak at the Diamond League, just ahead of the Olympics. And peak, he did. Plus, with the experience of having competed against the likely-finalists at Paris 2024, he learnt what he was up against and had time for analysis and modifications.

Sable’s new strategy seemingly evolved from earlier disappointments. The Asian Games gold medallist was in good shape ahead of the 2022 World Athletics Championships, but he finished eleventh. Similarly, he did not progress from the heats in the 2023 World Championships. “Every year, I used to start my season early. But... I was not being able to compete,” the 29-year-old has said. “I only ran a few 5,000m and 10,000m races (at the start of the 2024 season). I was not running for timing, but taking it as practice for the Olympics.”

Switching his base to the US’s Colorado Springs also proved right as he trained with the likes of multiple Olympic medallist Paul Chelimo. Alongside him in the altitude training at the Springs was Parul Chaudhary, who will represent India in the women’s 5,000m and 3,000m steeplechase.

Sable and Chaudhary, accompanied by coach Scott Simons, also trained in St. Mortiz, Switzerland. Located at an altitude of 1,856m in the Alps, it is a haven for altitude training of long-distance runners. It is a perfect final stop for Sable before his run for glory in Paris.

After showing immense promise, Sable has somehow failed to establish himself on the global stage. Contracting Covid-19 twice ahead of the Tokyo Olympics did not help. But, he has silenced all doubters by breaking the Kenyan monopoly over the Commonwealth Games with his silver in 2022.

Sable knows his body. He has known it right from the days of running 6km daily to reach school in Maharashtra’s Beed. He had to depend on his fitness to survive while he manned the border at Siachen Glacier. So, when he says he is in the form of his life, there is no need to doubt it. The battles he avoided could well mean the difference in Paris.

“It will be a technical race and I am ready for that,” he said. “Let us see what happens.”

indian-golfer-aditi-ashok-paris-olympics

Sat Jul 27 12:08:26 IST 2024

August 2021. “Are you watching golf? This cute Bengaluru girl....

She needs some birdies. With eagles, she could even win gold.”

“Bloody hell, somebody get her the damn birds. So, are they like good luck charms?”

Judgmental silence.

Google search: birdies eagles golf.

Even as I frantically read up on golf-related terms, the search term “golf rules” was at its peak in Google’s trends for India. The reason was Aditi Ashok. The unheralded golfer, who was ranked 178th in the world before Tokyo 2020, got off to a flying start at the Kasumigaseki Country Club’s East Course. The par―the number of strokes a proficient golfer would need to complete the course―was 71. Aditi finished the 18-hole course in 67 strokes in the first round―the same as the world number one Nelly Korda of the US.

In the second round, Aditi improved, finishing in 66, but Korda pulled ahead with a masterful 62. Aditi was joint second with two others. In the third round, things got more exciting as Korda stumbled and Aditi closed the gap, and went clear at second. On the fourth and final day, Aditi was unable to get under-par scores in the first four holes, allowing Rio 2016 silver medallist Lydia Ko of New Zealand to climb to the second place. Aditi recovered and got her birdies (one stroke under par; eagle is two strokes under par)―to stay in contention. But, narrowly missed birdies in the last two holes―the ball caressing the edge of the 17th hole―cost her a medal. (Korda won gold and Japan’s Mone Inami beat Ko in a silver-bronze play-off.)

Three years on, Aditi is a much-changed golfer. Her driving distances have visibly improved. This helps her get closer to the hole off the tee. She had the best year of her career in 2023, winning two events, finishing second in another two, third in one and in the top 10 in four more. She ended the year ranked 42nd and reached her best ranking of 39 in early 2024.

However, she has had a less spectacular 2024, not finishing in the top 10 in 15 events. As a result, she has slipped to the 60th rank. She is also yet to win a golf major. At the Hangzhou Asian Games in 2023, while she won a historic silver for India, she missed a great chance to win gold (losing a seven-stroke lead).

At Paris 2024, despite not being one of the favourites on paper, she is still a contender for the podium. One of the reasons is her strong short game. According to a report in ESPN, she is the seventh best putter in the world in 2024. Also, the Olympic field is generally weaker than professional events because of the restrictions on the number of golfers from a country. And, Aditi, 26, has shown that, on her day, she can hold her own against the best in the world. For instance, she finished above Korda, who is still the world No. 1, at a 2023 event.

So, at her best, Aditi is very much on a par with the rest of the field at Paris 2024. At Tokyo 2020, her strong start put her in medal contention. In Paris, too, it will be crucial to score under par, right from the off.