Offices of profit

During the initial days of the Narendra Modi government, President Pranab Mukherjee invited Union minister Venkaiah Naidu for a function at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. It turned out to be an unpleasant experience for Naidu. As the protocol demanded, toasts were raised and meals were served in courses. Before leaving, Naidu requested Mukherjee that he be excused from official functions as he found the protocol stifling. Mukherjee, however, did not stop inviting Naidu; he made sure that his food was served in a thali. “I like to eat my food at once,” Naidu would explain.

As Mukherjee makes way for Ram Nath Kovind at the Rashtrapati Bhavan, and Naidu almost certain to be vice president, there will be no escape for him from the protocol. However, there will be a bigger role to play for both of them than attending state banquets.

With less than two years left for the Lok Sabha elections, the elevation of the Kovind-Naidu duo is expected to help in Modi’s second bid for power. Kovind’s election would send a strong signal to the dalits, who make up about 16 per cent of the population. In fact, it has already shown some results. BSP chief Mayawati made a political move by quitting the Rajya Sabha, saying she was not allowed to raise dalit issues in the house. It is said that she is trying hard to retain her eroding dalit base.

As Bihar governor, Kovind was affable and shared a good rapport with Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. He regularly attended public functions, and is likely to do the same at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. On the other hand, in addition to managing the Rajya Sabha, Naidu will have to keep in mind the southern states, where the BJP is trying hard to make electoral gains.

Modi’s message was clear when he announced the names. He said Kovind would be “a strong voice for the poor, downtrodden and marginalised” and Naidu, “a farmer’s son”, would bring in “years of experience in public life”. The dalit-farmer mention was clearly aimed at placating the two electorally powerful groups that are currently angry with his government.

However, the larger message is that the top three positions in the country, for the first time, are all occupied by BJP men with varying degrees of association with the party’s ideological mentor, the RSS. Kovind was never an active RSS man, but had participated in the programmes organised by it. Naidu, on the other hand, has always been vocal about his association with the sangh parivar.

BJP general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya said it was wrong to associate the posts of president and vice president with the RSS. “Both posts are apolitical,” he said. “Kovind has worked for dalits and the marginalised. Naidu has huge legislative experience. When they chair such august houses, political workers will gain.”

Naidu’s role will be more hands on than Kovind’s. The BJP has only 56 members in the Rajya Sabha, two fewer than the Congress. Ten members of the house will retire next month, giving the BJP a chance to pick up a few seats. But the tide will begin to turn only by next year when 64 members will retire.

Once the numbers in both the houses are in its favour, the Modi government is expected to go for bolder policy changes and those need constitutional approval. The prime minister might push for simultaneous elections at the Centre and the states, an idea he floated last year. The aim is to give the prime minister unhindered tenure, unburdened by frequent elections. But the opposition fears that Modi may ultimately push for the presidential form of government, as it would not only suit his style of functioning but also help realise the ultimate aim of changing the constitution.

The other issues on the table are likely to be the uniform civil code, removal of Article 370 and building of Ram temple in Ayodhya. Kovind and Naidu would be ideologically aligned, unlike Mukherjee and Hamid Ansari. However, while Kovind’s personality is marked by reticence, Naidu is known for speaking his mind.

The opposition says the Kovind-Naidu combination spells trouble for the plurality of the country. “Both the president and the vice president belong to the RSS. So they cannot have an approach which will be all-inclusive, given the richness of India’s diversity. They come from a sectarian school of thought. This is a wrong message,” said Anand Sharma, deputy leader of opposition in the Rajya Sabha.

CPI(M) leader Mohammed Salim, MP, said the BJP’s game plan was to get the numbers, and the talks of governance were mere tactics. “They did not hold any discussion [while selecting the president and vice president candidates]. There was no discussion of the names, not even in the NDA. The direction had come straight from the sangh. This is only indicative. If they get the numbers in the Rajya Sabha, they will become authoritarian—focusing on one-party rule, one policy, one language, one religion.”