The biggest take away for India from the latest BRICS summit held in Chinese city of Xiamen is no doubt the inclusion of Pakistan-based terror outfits in the BRICS Joint Declaration. The Joint Declaration says, “We express concern on the security situation in the region and violence caused by the Taliban , ISI/DAISH, Al Qaeda , and its affiliates including Eastern Turkestan, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan , the Haqqani network , Laskar-e-Taiba( LeT), Jaish-e-Mohhamad (JeM), Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, Hizb-e-Mohhamed.”
The inclusion of these terror groups, particularly Let and JeM, is seen as a significant diplomatic victory for India. New Delhi has been trying to name these terror outfits in official documents for long. All of India's efforts to include these terror organisations in the BRICS Declaration issued at the end of the Goa summit in 2016 had ended in utter failure, disappointing New Delhi and prompting many Indian strategic thinkers talking about the uselessness of the international grouping for India. Apparently Chinese President Xi Ziping opposed the idea of naming these organisations in the BRICS Goa Joint Declaration and the Russian President VladimirPutin buckled under pressure.
Chinese president’s reference to “political solution” and “root cause” in the context of terrorism—among other global challenges—reflects the argument of Pakistan on the Kashmir dispute. This led some strategic affairs experts argue that BRICS is a Chinese-dominated organisation where Beijing uses Russia as a ram to act against Indian interests.
However, the ninth BRICS summit held at Xiamen has succeeded in naming these organisations in the Joint Declaration, which is no doubt a major development. For this how much credit should be given to Indian diplomats is a matter of speculation. It has been reliably learnt that Russian persuasion of China to name these outfits apparently played the most decisive role in including them in the Joint Declaration. This undoubtedly falsifies the assertion that BRICS is a Chinese-led forum designed to act against Indian interest. Rather it proves that both Russia and India can get their act together and balance China in the organisation.
Russia is the only country which has been steadfastly supporting us in our fight against terrorism. Russia believes that inclusion of Pakistan-based terror outfits in the BRICS Joint Declaration is a “major first step towards combating cross border terrorism.” Russia expects that the “Declaration would lead to more concrete action in fighting the scourge of terrorism.” BRICS declaration is clearly a signal that China has finally recognised the problem of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism.
The question is whether China will confine to mere condemnation of these terror outfits or will take the next logical step of concrete action against them. In any case this is a great start.
The next logical step for India is to get JeM chief Maulana Massod Azhar proscribed by the UN. China has continued to block all attempts to include Azhar in the UNSC sanctions list. India now hopes that Moscow will be of help to New Delhi in convincing China to give up its opposition to the ban on Azhar, too. According to Indian diplomats, Moscow believes that on the limited issue of Azhar, China may, in the foreseeable future, relent.
The argument that China is a Russia's closer strategic partner than India seems fallacious. Russia's relations with China might have been strengthened dramatically over the years, particularly after western sanctions against Moscow in the wake of Crimea’s incorporation in to Russia, when India failed to live up to Moscow’s expectations. But trust and understanding between India and Russia is definitely at a much higher level than between Russia and China. There is significant fear and apprehension of China in many Russian circles. Xiamen BRICS summit proved once again that the hysteria that Russia, a friend of our strategic rival China, acts against Indian interest, and hence should be deprived of special strategic partner is misplaced.
Arun Mohanty is a professor at Center for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, JNU